USCIRF Hearing

The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Public Hearing
"After the Saffron Revolution: Religion, Repression, and the U.S. Policy Options for Burma"

Rayburn House Office Building 2200
December 3, 2007, 2:30-4:30 PM
Testimony of Aung Din

Executive Director, U.S. Campaign for Burma

Mr. Chairman, Commissioners,

Thank you very much for holding this public hearing to discuss the situation in my country, Burma and the U.S. policy options. From the previous witnesses and the video footage, you have learned more about the Saffron Revolution in September, led by Buddhist Monks, which have waken up the international community to pay attention to the suffering of the people of Burma under the brutal military junta.

Please note that the Saffron Revolution is not an isolated event of Burma. Actually, it is a part of the ongoing struggle of the people of Burma to restore democracy and human rights, including religious freedom, which has started in 1988 and which will end only when we reach our destination.

The military junta persists in crushing all opposition to its rule and prohibiting any freedom of assembly, association, expression, and movement as well as religious freedom. Currently, about two thousand political detainees remain behind bars, including the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The use of torture and other cruel, inhumane and degrading punishments, exploitation of prisoners as forced laborers and death in custody remains widespread.

Moreover, the military junta continues to target ethnic minorities through its "Four Cuts" policy, aimed at cutting off all supplies of food, funds, recruits and intelligence to ethnic resistance groups. Forced relocations, forced labor and all forms of abuses against the ethnic population are an essential part of the junta's systematic campaign to control ethnic areas in the country. One of these abuses is forcing ethnic populations; many of them are mostly devotees of Christianity and other religions, to convert to Buddhism and destroying Churches and other places of worship.

To date, over 3,200 villages in ethnic areas have been destroyed, resulting in the displacement of over 500,000 ethnic populations inside Burma, as well as the exodus of more than a million refugees to neighboring countries. In areas of armed conflict in eastern Burma, anti-personnel landmines are deliberately used to target civilian communities, sexual violence is rampantly used as an instrument of control, including systematic rape of ethnic women and girls and taking of sex slaves as porters for the military, and children are forcibly recruited into the armed forces. Burma's armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, maintain the largest number of child soldiers in the world, amounting to over 70,000. The junta also continues to use detainees as porters for the armed forces and commit abuses with impunity, including large-scale destruction of food supplies and means of production, murder, enforced disappearance, and arbitrary arrest and detention.

According to the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, the military junta stations 273 battalions, with over 150,000 soldiers which is 30% of its total strength, in Eastern Burma alone, which is the home of Karen, Shan, Karenni, Mon and other ethnic groups. In 2007 alone, TBBC reported that about 76,000 ethnic populations were forced to leave their homes and at least 167 villages were destroyed by the military junta. These reports have been corroborated by high resolution commercial satellite imagery taken before and after the villages were destroyed. These images have been taken by the American Association for the Advancement of Science since late 2006. AAAS has obtained and analyzed high-resolution commercial satellite imagery covering about 2,000 square kilometers of Papun, Toungoo, and Dooplaya Districts in Karen State, a small area in Shan State, and a refugee camp on Thailand-Burma border. You can find some of the satellite imageries in this room.

Mr. Chairman, Commissioners,

As I mentioned earlier, the Saffron Revolution is just a part of an ongoing campaign of the people of Burma to restore democracy and human rights and they will continue their non-violent struggle until they achieve the freedoms they want, freedoms they deserve and freedoms they want to enjoy and exercise without fear. I believe the United States has a unique position to help the people of Burma by increasing pressure against the military junta and doubling its diplomatic effort to organize international community to stand together for the people of Burma.

My particular recommendation for the United States Congress is to approve two legislations, Senate Resolution S. 2257, known as Burmese Democracy Promotion Act of 2007, introduced by Senator Biden and McConnell and House Resolution H. 3890, Block Burmese JADE (Junta's Anti-Democratic Efforts) Act of 2007, introduced by Congressmen Tom Lantos, as soon as possible. These resolutions will help strengthen the current US economic sanctions against the Burmese military junta effectively.

My recommendations to the US Administration are as follows.

(1) To implement sanctions, economic sanctions and targeted financial sanctions, effectively and to coordinate with Governments of the EU, Canada and Australia, which also impose sanctions on the Burmese military junta. I would like to suggest the US Government appoint a full-time sanctions coordinator for Burma, as the US did in late 1990s against Milosevic's regime.

(2) I also would like to suggest the U.S. Government target more businessmen in Burma, who are providing finances to Generals and their families. So far, the U.S. named seven Burmese businessmen, including Te Za and five entities of them under financial sanctions. The Australian Government also imposed targeted financial sanctions against 418 Burmese, in which 40 businessmen are included. I would suggest the U.S. Government cooperate with Governments of the EU and Australia to impose financial and banking sanctions against more crony businessmen in Burma.

(3) We are seeing the policy shift among Governments of China, India and ASEAN on Burma, as the U.S. has increased its diplomatic effort to organize these countries to take more responsible stance. We want the U.S. Government to maintain the UN Security Council as the venue to discuss the situation in Burma and double its diplomatic effort in organizing these countries to be able to have a collective voice and take effective action on Burma, beginning with a binding resolution from the UN Security Council, which will effectively impose an arms embargo.

Thank you,

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
1440 N Street, NW, Suite #A2
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 234 8022
Fax: (202) 234 8044
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.orgThis e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it
www.uscampaignforburma.org

Democracy as a Challenge

The ION RATIU DEMOCRACY LECTURE

DEMOCRACY as a CHALLENGE

November 15, 2007: 4:00-6:00 PM
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars

Opening Remark by:

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
1444 N Street, NW, # A2
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 234 8022
Fax: (202) 234 8044
www.uscampaignforburma.org
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

==========================

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This is a great honor and privilege for me to make a comment before the lecture, which will be given by Professor Anatoli Mikhailov, the recipient of the 2007 Ion Ratiu Democracy Lecture Award. As a Burmese democracy activist in exile, I am also honored to be here with another activist in exile who was also forced to leave his country of Belarus because of his opposition to the Lukashenko regime. This is a wonderful coincidence that two democracy activists in exile from Burma and Belarus meet here at this event, honoring the late Ion Ratiu, who was also in exile for his opposition to then-Communist rule in his country of Romania. And the title of the lecture is also very interested and meaningful, “Democracy as a Challenge”. I appreciate the Woodrow Wilson Center for hosting this important event.

My country Burma, which is in Southeast Asia, is thousands of miles away from Belarus of Professor Mikhailov. However, two countries share the same characteristics and face the same challenges. Burma is ruled by the brutal military junta and Belarus is ruled by an authoritarian regime. Freedom House’s annual survey of “freedom around the world” describes the status of both Burma and Belarus as “Not Free”. Burmese military junta issues various decrees to restrict fundamental rights of the people and movement of democracy activists as Belarus Government adopted legislations imposing penalties for “discrediting Belarus” and organizing activities of unregistered NGOs. Both regimes control the state media and Internet. Both regimes use every method, including use of violence, to crack down on the protests of democracy activists and to remain in power. Judiciary system in both countries is also in favor of the rulers. Religious freedom is severely restricted and women and children the most vulnerable targets of these corrupt regimes. I wonder if there is a manual for dictatorial rule. Anyhow, despite these severe restrictions and oppression, the struggles for democracy in both countries are strong, powerful and moving forward. Definitely, working to achieve democracy under the dictatorial regime is a difficult task as well as a great challenge.

There is one thing, one important and unfortunate thing we share, which is being next to a giant neighbor, which favors dictators than democracy. While China, immediate neighbor of Burma, is strongly supporting the Burmese military junta, Russia, a neighbor of Belarus is helping the Lukashenko’s regime to hold on to power. Our struggle for democracy is being oppressed not only by the dictators that rule our countries against the will of the people, but also by these giant neighbors, who are assisting these dictators economically and financially and defending them from the international pressure.

Burma has been under the military rule since 1962. I was born in 1963; one year after the military took over power from the democratically elected civilian government. I have witnessed the struggles of the people of Burma to restore democracy and human rights throughout my life. In 1988, I was able to participate in the nationwide popular uprising. Students led the protest and managed to bring millions of people to the streets, calling for restoration of democracy and human rights, and political reform. The military junta used violence to put down the protests. Thousands of peaceful demonstrators were brutally killed, thousands more were arrested, and tens of thousands more were forced to flee to the borders to become refugees. I was also arrested and put in prison over four years.

19 years later, in this August and September, I was in the United States, emotionally and excitedly watching the peaceful and powerful protests of my fellow citizens, led by Buddhist monks, now known as the “Saffron Revolution”. The 2007 Saffron Revolution was led by Buddhist monks and called for political dialogue between the military junta and Daw Aung san Suu Kyi, leader of Burma's democracy movement. The military junta imposed curfew order and banned gathering of more than five persons. Security forces took position in major cities and shot at the crowds. More than two hundred protesters, including monks and students as young as ten-year old were killed, over four thousand protesters were arrested. So many Buddhist monasteries were raided and emptied by the security forces.

Burma became a permanent agenda of the UN Security Council in September 2006. The draft resolution, which was designed to encourage the junta to expedite national reconciliation and democratization, was vetoed by China and Russia on January 12, 2007. Even after the 2007 Saffron Revolution, when US, UK and France called on the Security Council to imposed strong resolution on Burma, which will effectively instruct the military junta to stop killing and use of violence against the protesters, to release all detainees and to engage in a meaningful and time bound dialogue, they were not successful as China and Russia strongly rejected and threatened to veto again.

Struggle for democracy is a really challenging task, which requires courage, determination and great sacrifices, generations of work and support from freedom loving people around the world. As activists in exile, our duty is to organize international support for democracy movement back home and to campaign for a collective voice and an effective action from the international community. This is more challenging task, but worth trying.

I thank Professor Mikhailov, who is not only a person in exile, but also running the "University in Exile" for being here with us to share his vision for democracy.

Thank you,

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma

Burma: A Nation Wanting Collective Voice and Effective Action from the World

What Next? Political Developments in Burma and Implications for the Future

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Asia Program
One Woodrow Wilson Plaza
1300 Pennsylvania Ave., NW
Washington, DC 20004-3027
Wednesday, November 7, 2007
3:30-5:30 PM

Burma: A Nation Wanting Collective Voice and Effective Action from the World

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
1444 N Street, NW, # A2
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 234 8022
Fax: (202) 234 8044
www.uscampaignforburma.org
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

===========================================================================

Introduction

(1) 19 years ago, in August 1988, I was in Burma, participating in the peaceful demonstrations, along with millions of people from all walks of live. In 2007, this August and September, I was in the United States, emotionally and excitedly watching the peaceful and powerful protests of my fellow citizens, led by Buddhist monks, now known as the “Saffron Revolution”. The military junta used violence to quell the protests in both 1988 and 2007. After the brutal and merciless crackdown, the military junta claims that the situation in Burma is back to normal. This is not true. The situation in Burma will never be normal. People of Burma are moving on a journey to democracy, which is long and difficult, but surely reachable. They all, students, monks and other activists are now re-grouping among the under-ground network and preparing for next move. On October 31, about 200 monks in Pakkoku held a peaceful march and on Nov 3, monks in Mogok took to the streets despite the threat of arrest and attack by the authority. So many monks in so many cities are still continuing their excommunicative boycott by refusing the food offering and donation from the military. They all never stop until they reach their destination

(2) As one of the student leaders who organized the 1988 popular uprising in Burma, and as a Burmese activist in exile who follows the situation back home very closely, I would like to highlight some important points of the 1988 uprising and the 2007 Saffron Revolution. By comparing these important events of my country, I hope that the democracy movement in Burma will be better identified and the impact of protest on the democracy movement will be clearly assessed. I also hope that mischaracterization and misperception of the democracy movement in my country by some academics, diplomats, and government officials will be clearly addressed.

Comparisons between the 1988 Popular Uprising and the 2007 Saffron Revolution

Let me begin with the comparisons between the 1988 popular uprising and the 2007 Saffron Revolution, in terms of political objective, leadership, flow of information and international advocacy.

Political Objective

(3) The 1988 popular uprising was led by students, and against then-dictator General Ne Win, who had ruled the country since 1962 and his party, the Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). Mismanagement, nepotism, corruption and the centralized control system of General Ne Win’s government drove the country into deep poverty. Injustices and a lack of rule of law as well as a lack of freedom added salt to the wounds of the people of Burma. Students led the protest and managed to bring millions of people to the streets, calling for restoration of democracy and human rights, and political reform. Under the deluge of peaceful protests, General Ne Win was forced to step down from power, as were two other successors, General Sein Lwin and Dr. Maung Maung. The demand we made in the 1988 uprising was "an Interim Government". The military junta ignored our demand, took over power from their masters, and used violence to put down the protests. Thousands of demonstrators were brutally killed, thousands more were arrested, and tens of thousands more were forced to flee to the borders to become refugees.

(4) The 2007 Saffron Revolution was led by Buddhist monks and called for political dialogue between the key stakeholders. During the peak of the protest, the clearest and loudest demand was "Dialogue". Students, under the leadership of the 88 Generation Students group, have played very important role by initiating the first protest in August, assisting with logistical and moral support for monks, coordinating the leading monks and other key players, organizing people and celebrities, and protecting monks from the sideline. They also participated in the protest at the end of September with hundreds of thousands of people from all walks of life. The military junta imposed a curfew order and banned gatherings of more than five persons. Security forces took position in major cities and shot at the crowds. More than two hundred protesters, including monks and students as young as ten-years old were killed and between three and six thousand were arrested. Many Buddhist monasteries were raided and emptied by the security forces. So far, only a small number of protesters, about 100, fled to border.

Political Leadership

(5) In 1988, political leaders came to the forefront of the demonstrations. Invited by students, veteran politicians, such as former Prime Minister U Nu, former Commander-in-Chief Retired General Tin Oo, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and many others joined with the protesters and led the demonstrations. Their leadership and participation encouraged civil servants from various ministries to join with us with their own trade and worker unions. As political leadership became stronger, and the government’s mechanism was partially paralyzed, even some military units abandoned their posts and joined the protest.

(6) In 2007, although we have an established political leadership, which is the election winning party, the National League for Democracy (NLD); it has not been very active except for the issuance of some statements. Many members of NLD and some MPs joined in the protest with their own will. Many effective leaders, such as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, and Min Ko Naing are in detention. Lack of strong political leadership made civil servants to stay away from the protests. Some military units refused to shoot at the monks; but most of them followed the order, killed the protesters and no one joined in the protests.

Flow of Information

(7) As no foreign reporters were inside the country, the world did not have a chance to understand the situation in Burma in 1988, and therefore the world did not pay too much attention to Burma. In 2007, with the help of information technology and the skills of younger generation of students and citizen-journalists, as well as the courageous acts of foreign journalists who risked their lives to cover the events, photos and video images of protests and brutal responses by the military junta came out of the country and captured the attention of the world. The Saffron Revolution became the headline news of the world media. Most of the international organizations, governments, Nobel Peace Laureates, social and religious groups all praised the peaceful and courageous actions of Burmese demonstrators and condemned the brutal responses of the military junta.

International Advocacy

(8) One important difference between the two events is the existence of Burma lobby groups around the world. In 1988, there were almost no Burma lobby groups. In 2007, there are many Burma lobby groups, including my organization comprised of Burmese activists in exile and free Burma activists, lobbying effectively with Governments and Parliaments around the world to influence their policy on Burma. Also, there are many NGOs and dissident organizations working along the border, recording human rights abuses and injustices in Burma and reporting to the international community. Their reports especially and essentially help Burma lobby groups to advocate to the international community to support for the democracy movement in Burma.

Political Impact after the 1988 Popular Uprising and What’s Next after the Saffron Revolution

Now, let me talk about the political impact after the 1988 popular uprising and what will be the next after the Saffron Revolution.

(9) Aftermaths of the 1988 uprising and of the 2007 Saffron Revolution are the same. People were traumatized and shocked by the junta’s merciless killing and arrest of protesters. Aggressive man-hunting and midnight searches by security forces have blanketed the whole country with a climate of fear and also instigated a continuous growth of outrage among the population. Their willingness and determination to continue to fight for democracy and human rights in the face of their fallen heroes are stronger and more solidified than ever.

(10) When it took over power in 1988, with intention to ease the strong and continuous resistance of the people, the military junta promised to hold multi-party general elections and to hand over power to the election winning party. The Election Commission was established and political parties were allowed to form. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) party and the NLD became the largest and strongest party in Burma within a short time. The Burmese Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) changed its name to the "National Unity Party" (NUP) and became the favorite party of the military junta. Over two hundred more parties were also formed; some were run by the junta's cronies and military intelligence just to undermine the popularity of the NLD and make confusion among the public. The NUP party had a special chance to campaign freely nationwide and was allowed to use the properties, transportation, and funds of the Government. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and key leaders of the NLD party were arrested and put in detention even before the campaign period. NLD members and students had to campaign under the martial law and curfew order. Despite these obstacles, to the surprise of the military junta, NLD won a landslide victory in the elections by securing 82 % of parliamentary seats. The junta-backed NUP won only ten seats out of the total 485. Even though the military junta refused to honor the election results, it is obvious that the 1988 popular uprising helped the NLD to win the election. The 1988 popular uprising produced the NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as the election winning party and legitimate leader of Burma.

(11) Let's look at the potential political implications after the 2007 Saffron Revolution. To ease the strong and continuous resistance of the people and under the unprecedented pressure from the international community, Senior General Than Shwe has announced that he would meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi personally, if she agrees on certain conditions, such as stopping confrontation and ending her support of sanctions. At the same time, the military junta has formed a commission to draft a state constitution based on fundamental and detailed principles adopted by the national convention. This is the third step of its seven-step road map and the fourth step, a national referendum to approve the constitution, will be coming soon. We have no doubt that the military junta will only use the dialogue or possibility of dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to defuse the international pressure and will keep pressure the people to vote for its Constitution in the upcoming referendum. We also have no doubt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will try her best to make the dialogue effective or to produce something clearly and that the people of Burma will continue to challenge the junta by voting against its constitution.

International Responses

(12) International response to the situation in Burma has changed throughout these years. The UN General Assembly adopted its first ever resolution on Burma in 1991, one year after the military junta refused to honor the election results and three years after the 1988 popular uprising. Since then all together 35 resolutions on Burma were adopted by the UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, ECOSOC, International Labor Organization and UN Human Rights Council. While these non-binding resolutions are continuously ignored by the military junta, the situation in Burma is becoming a threat to the peace and security of the region.

(13) Today Burma is a country with over 1,200 political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in addition to about one thousand protesters arrested in August and September and still remained in detention. The use of torture and other cruel, inhumane or degrading punishments, exploitation of prisoners as forced laborers, and deaths in custody remain widespread. The junta has intensified its military offensive to control ethnic minority areas. In the past 10 years, the military has destroyed over 3,000 villages, resulting in the internal displacement of over 500,000 civilians in eastern Burma, as well as the exodus of more than a million refugees to neighboring countries. Anti-personnel landmines are used to target civilian communities, sexual violence is rampantly used as an instrument of control, and children are forcibly recruited into the armed forces. Burma’s armed forces maintain the largest number of child soldiers in the world, amounting to over 70,000.

(14) Furthermore the military junta takes little concern for the health of its people. So many infectious diseases, especially tuberculosis, malaria, and HIV/AIDs are rapidly spreading, often in a drug resistant form, to populations in Burma and throughout Southeast Asia. The military does not allow people basic freedoms, but they do allow the illicit trafficking of drugs as well as women and children.

(15) Burma became a permanent agenda of the UN Security Council in September 2006. The draft resolution, which was designed to encourage the junta to expedite national reconciliation and democratization, was vetoed by China and Russia on January 12, 2007. However all members of the Council agree to support the good offices mandate of the Secretary-General. After serious discussion and negotiation for five days, on October 11, 2007, the UN Security Council issued the first ever Presidential Statement, (strongly deploring the military junta for its use of violence against peaceful demonstrators and emphasizing the importance of the early release of all political prisoners and remaining detainees. It also called on the Burmese military junta to create the necessary conditions for a genuine dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups, in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations.) Although this statement was short of binding capacity, we welcome it as the first step of the Security Council action on Burma, and a unanimous decision of all members of the Council, including Russia and China. At the same time, we insist that the regime will not listen to the voice of the Security Council if there is no concrete action beyond the statement.

Lesson Learned from the Past and Expectation Today

Now, let me talk about the lesson we learned from the past and what we are expecting from the world today.

(16) It is a painful memory for me to recall the past. Since the 1988 popular uprising through today, we have lost thousands of lives in the streets, in prisons, in torture chambers, in the jungle and in exile. Hundreds of thousands of families were broken, thousands of villages were destroyed, and millions of people were forced to abandon their land, let alone enormous economic hardship and loss of hope. Actually we did have a chance in 1988 to avoid these tragedies; however, we didn't realize the importance of dialogue and negotiation at that time.

(17) During the peak of the uprising, then-President Dr. Maung Maung offered to hold the multi-party general elections within three months. He called an emergency meeting of the Parliament and amended the 1974 Constitution. A provision that authorized the BSPP as the one and only political party to rule the country was stricken out and replaced with a provision that described multi-party democracy as the country ruling system. He ordered all members of armed-forces and civil servants to resign from the BSPP. He appointed an election commission, which is the same commission used by the military junta, and asked democracy leaders to form political parties and compete in the elections. But all except U Nu and his colleagues refused to take the offer. They reasoned that three months was not enough to form a party to compete with the BSPP. They didn't realize that they needed to negotiate with the ruling Government to implement political reforms. Instead they kept asking Dr. Maung Maung to form an Interim Government. A week later, military junta took over power from Dr. Maung Maung and used violence to put down the protest.

(18) The democracy movement now realizes that political dialogue and negotiation are very important and necessary for national reconciliation and democratization, but the military junta is still making the same mistakes. It doesn't realize the importance of dialogue. It still wants to play a zero-sum game and is trying to eliminate the democracy movement once and for all. But this time we are hoping that international community will make the generals in Nay Pyi Taw realize that political dialogue and negotiation with the democracy forces and ethnic leaders are necessary to move the country forward. Burma wants a collective voice and effective action from the world.

Mischaracterization and Misperception of Burma's Democracy Movement

(19) As I mentioned earlier, international response to the situation in Burma today is almost unanimous. I said "almost" not "effectively" unanimous. Some Governments are still reluctant to take effective action because of mischaracterization and misperception of Burma's democracy movement, suggested by some academics and diplomats. Now, I would like to address these issues.

(20) Some argue that the Burmese military is the strong institution in Burma. Some even said that it is the only strongest institution. They also believe that the people of Burma are getting used to living under a strong man rule and are not ready to embrace democracy. With this misperception, they claimed that Burma should continue to be under the military rule for some time before adopting democracy. Some argue that Burma's democracy movement is trying to overthrow the military junta or working for "regime change" with a combination of the people power movement and western sanctions. With this mischaracterization, they claim that if the military junta collapses, Burma would become the Yugoslavia of Asia with the split of many factions, or a new Iraq, with emergence of insurgency of several armed-ethnic groups. These are the reasons China, India and members of ASEAN give for their reluctance to apply significant pressure on the Burmese military junta and undermining the collective voice and effective action of the world.

(21) Let me counter-argue. First, believing that the military is the only strong institution in Burma is an exaggeration and over-estimation. It is true that it has over 400,000 troops, but they are not binding together with discipline, morale and courage. The numbers of deserters from the military are more than ten thousands every year. Therefore, regional commanders are forcibly recruiting under-aged children to retain the numbers. The current disastrous social and economic state of Burma clearly proves the military's poor economic management, nepotism and corruption. While senior officials are competing to earn the favor of their superiors by giving bribes, rank and file soldiers are stealing the rice bowls of the general population and bullying them. This is an institution, which knows only how to use weapons—not how to build the country.

(22) Second, the Burmese democracy movement is not calling for "regime change". The NLD, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all ethnic political parties accept that the military is not only the problem, but also a part of the solution. They know that they need to work together with the military and they are willing to do so. They know very well about the importance of political dialogue and negotiation from the lessons they have learned. They are also not trying to overthrow the junta and not calling for military intervention from the world either. All we are asking for is a political dialogue with the military and a mutually acceptable solution, which will shape the future of our country together.

(23) Third, the people of Burma know very well how national unity is important through our experiences under the British colonial rule, Japanese Fascist rule, as well as military dictatorship. We all want to build the country with equality among all ethnic nationalities. All ethnic groups, armed or unarmed, have already pledged to stay in the Federal Union of Burma and not to brake away. National unity can be made only with dialogue, mutual understanding and equal status among all ethnic nationalities. The days that the majority can have influence over the minority by force are over. Burma might become the "Yugoslavia of Asia" or a "new Iraq", only if the junta is allowed to legalize its military rule with the Constitution. If so, ethnic cease-fire groups, who have been fighting for their rights and autonomies for decades, will go back to the jungle and restart their arm struggles again. Another round of civil war will erupt then. That's why, I would like to suggest to China, India and members of ASEAN that if they don't want Burma to become the Yugoslavia of Asia or a new Iraq, they are now responsible for using every pressure they have to convince the military junta that only political dialogue with the democratic opposition to produce a mutually-acceptable outcome will be the best for Burma, for the region, and for the world.

Conclusion

(24) I was born in 1963, one year after General Ne Win took over power from the democratically elected civilian government through a military coup. I have witnessed the struggles of the people of Burma to restore democracy and human rights throughout my life. In 1988, I was able to participate in the nationwide popular uprising. Now, we all are seeing young students, born in or around 1988 and who are familiar with hip-hop music, actively participating in the Saffron Revolution, with courage and determination. They are walking the path that previous generations paved with blood, as we did in 1988. We have spent generations of work to achieve democracy and human rights and we believe that our destination is nearer than ever before. Collective and effective action from the international community will be an important factor in determining the future of our country. This is all we are asking for.

Thank you,

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma

Burma: Nation in Need of Effective Help

Burma’s SAFFRON REVOLUTION: How Should the World Respond?

The American Enterprise Institute
Wohlstetter Conference Center
Twelfth Floor, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, DC 20036
Tuesday, October 16, 2007
12:00-1:30 PM

Burma: Nation in Need of Effective Help

Aung Din
Policy Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
1444 N Street, NW, # A2
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 234 8022
Fax: (202) 234 8044
www.uscampaignforburma.org
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

===========================================================================

Introduction

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you very much for being here today. I appreciate the American Enterprise Institute for holding this event at the critical period, when my country of Burma needs effective and collective assistance from the international community. How should we respond to the people of Burma, who are courageously challenging the uniformed and armed thugs with peaceful and non-violent actions and who are being brutalized by the military regime? We have to ask this question and we have to find the solution, before more people are killed and more people are arrested.

As you are aware, country of Burma was rocked by peaceful protests, led by Buddhist Monks, in August and September. Saffron Revolution, which we call it today, shocked not only the military regime in Burma, but also the international community, who have witnessed the courage and determination of the people of Burma, who continuously call for democracy and human rights with great sacrifices. More than two hundred peaceful protesters, including Buddhist monks, students as young as 12 years old, and civilians, have been brutally killed and more than 3,000 were arrested, by soldiers and riot police in a matter of days.

International Responses

Unlike the popular democracy uprising in Burma in 1988, the 2007 Saffron Revolution has obtained the huge attention and care of the international community. I was one of the student leaders, who had organized the nationwide uprising, calling for political reform and an end of single-party rule in Burma in 1988. We were managed to organize millions of people to come to the streets in every city in Burma. The same military regime gunned down thousands of demonstrators, put thousands more in prison and made thousands more to flee to border to become refugees. International community did pay little attention on the massacre in Burma and made little effort to help. I found this time is different, a huge different.

With the help of information technology and skills of younger generation students and citizen-journalists, photos and video images of protests and brutal responses by the military regime came out of the country and attracted the attention of the international community. The Saffron Revolution becomes the headline news of the world media. Most of the international organizations, governments, social and religious groups, Nobel Peace Laureates, former Prime Ministers and Presidents, all praise the peaceful and courageous action of Burmese demonstrators and condemn the brutal and merciless responses by the military regime. UN Human Rights Council called for an emergency session on October 3, 2007 and adopted a resolution, calling for the regime to stop use of violence against the peaceful demonstrators.

After serious discussion and negotiation for five days, on October 11, 2007, the UN Security Council issued a Presidential Statement, strongly deploring the military regime for its use of violence against peaceful demonstrators and emphasizing the importance of the early release of all political prisoners and remaining detainees. It also calls on the Burmese military regime to create the necessary condition for a genuine dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all concerned parties and ethnic groups, in order to achieve an inclusive national reconciliation with the direct support of the United Nations[1]. Although this statement is short of binding capacity, we welcome it as the first step of the Security Council action on Burma, and as a unanimous decision of all members of the Council, including Russia and China. Although we welcome the statement, we insist that this is not enough and the regime will not listen to the voice of the Security Council if there is no concrete action beyond statement. It turns out that our comment is true.

The Response of the Military Regime

The military regime claimed that the situation in Burma has returned to normal. It is true that over 20,000 soldiers roam the streets of Rangoon. Their brutal and merciless actions and massive arrests have made it too difficult for people to stage protests in the streets. Arrests and Imprisonment of pro-democracy activists by the military regime continue, despite the unanimous and repeated calls from the international community to stop arrest and release all detainees. Student activists continue their challenge against the regime by distributing anti-government pamphlets and spraying anti-government slogans at various places, with guerilla actions, while the regime is trying to hold the mass rallies to support the national convention in Rangoon, Mandalay and many other cities. Family members are taken by police as hostages as they couldn’t find their targets. You can’t find monks in the street of Rangoon, and almost all of monasteries are empty now.

NLD issued a statement on October 11, announcing the list of NLD members arrested during the protests. According to the list, 216 NLD members, including 4 leaders from NLD Headquarters and 15 Members of Parliament-elect were arrested. The Military regime intensifies its effort to arrests the leaders of the protests and raids houses and monasteries at night. Within a week, from when the draft statement was submitted by the US, UK and France at the Security Council on Oct 5 to when the Security Council issued a Presidential Statement on Oct 11, more than 50 people were arrested in Rangoon alone. Most of them are young University students. Famous movie star and social activist Kyaw Thu and his wife were also arrested on Oct 11. A mother and a mother-in-law of a female activist were also arrested as the hostages, when police couldn’t find her. A woman, named Ma Shan Ma, was arrested in South Okkalapa Township, together with her two-year old daughter. On October 10, one of the remaining leaders of the 88-Generation Students Group, Hla Myo Naung, was arrested when he was trying to meet eye specialist to treat his poor eyes. Two students, who helped him to make a visit to clinic, were also arrested.

Win Shwe, NLD member from Kyauk Pandaung Township, Mandalay Division, was killed in detention by its interrogators. He was arrested along with five other activists on September 26, for their support and participation in the protests. They were put in detention inside the compound of police battalion in Plake Township, nearby Mandalay. The authority informed to his wife on Oct 9 that he passed away in detention from heart attack, and that his body was already cremated. According to some accounts of those who were released from detention recently, several protesters, including some monks died in detention due to severe torture and lack of medical treatment. One of them was U Than Aung, 48-year old, who died in Kyailkasan Detention Center on Sept 30, as medical treatment to cure his injuries and internal bleeding was denied. Interrogators use excessive force, homosexual rape, electric shock at genitals, water boarding and burning with cigarette butts, and many other cruel methods.

There is no sign of improvement for dialogue between Than Shwe and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, says a NLD leader, despite the regime announcement of appointment of Aung Kyi, a retired Major General and deputy minister for labor, as the liaison minister to deal with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

The military regime issued a statement on October 13 in response to the UN Security Council Presidential statement. This statement simply said that it regrets the statement of the President of the UNSC as the situation in Burma is not amounting to the threat to the peace and security. It also said that contents in the statement are contrary with the opinion of people of Burma, who wholeheartedly support the government’s seven-point road map. Therefore, it concludes that the regime will continue to work for democracy through its seven-point road map. Now, military regime is holding mass rallies in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities and forcing students, civil servants and the people to attend these rallies. And the security forces raided a house in Rangoon on the night of Oct 12, and arrested three leaders of the 88-Generation Students group, Htay Kywe, Aung Thu and Thin Thin Aye (aka) Mie Mie, who have been in hiding for two months.

The military regime’s reaction to the call for the international community and the UN Security Council is clear. They don’t care. They will continue to play their game with their own plan, without negotiating with democracy forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and without heeding to the request of the international community. Clearly, UNSC Presidential statement is not enough to convince the generals in Burma that the world is seriously raising their concerns.

Speaking with One Voice, Taking Collective and Effective Action NOW

The people of Burma have already proved with their blood that they sincerely want democracy and human rights by peaceful means. They are not asking the regime to move away from power at once. All they are asking for is a meaningful political dialogue between the military regime, the democracy movement and ethnic representatives. They are being killed, arrested and their families are being destroyed by the regime for such a modest demand. International community should not fail this time and take effective and collective action without further delay.

I would like to recommend the policy options as follow.

(1) The UN Security Council should adopt a binding resolution under Chapter Seven, instructing the military regime to stop killing and arresting protesters, to treat all detainees humanely and provide them proper medical care, release all political detainees including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and engage in a meaningful political dialogue with democracy forces and ethnic minority leaders for the sake of national reconciliation and a transition to democracy and civilian rule. The UN Security Council should impose targeted sanctions against the military regime, which include an arms embargo, a travel ban of the top generals and their family members, and a ban on investment, and threaten with stronger sanctions if military regime fails to fulfill the instructions of the Security Council.

(2) President Bush announced on September 25, at UN General Assembly that the US Government will impose additional sanctions against the generals and their financial sources. The tightened sanctions will block the property and interest in property of certain senior leaders of the regime and individuals who provide financial backing for the regime. The US Administration should enforce the tightened sanctions effectively and to produce the results as quickly as possible. Cutting financial resources and illegal earnings of the generals and their family members are very important and effective if implemented actively. We all know that Singapore is safe heaven for the generals, their family members and their cronies for shopping, touring and depositing their illegal earnings. The U.S. Government should pressure Singapore Government to fully cooperate in this regard.

(3) European Union should strengthen its common position. A ban on investment and prohibiting certain imports from Burma, especially timber, gems, and metal, should be imposed. EU also should include a provision, calling for the UN Security Council to adopt a binding resolution, including imposing targeted sanctions and instructing the regime to implement the recommendations made by UN Special Envoy Gambari and contained in the Presidential Statement, in the draft resolution on Burma, to be submitted to the General Assembly.

(4) ASEAN can play very important role in Burma, although they are still denying their responsibility to control the bad behavior of the Burmese military junta. ASEAN summit will be held in November in Singapore and celebrate its 40^th birthday. To save its dignity and to prove that it is a respectable organization, not a club of ruthless dictators, ASEAN should pressure the regime to choose one option, between implementing political reforms as demanded by the international community and leaving from the ASEAN.

(5) China is a major factor to respond the situation in Burma. It is a major arm supplier, major trade partner of the regime and major investor in Burma. It is also a major exploiter of Burma’s natural resources and major defender of the Burmese military regime in international forum. The Burmese military regime has survived to this day with the support of China and we believe that China is responsible for killings and violence in Burma as equally as the Burmese military regime. Without China’s participation, a collective and effective action from the UN Security Council can’t be possible. Therefore, I would recommend the United States and European Union to use every leverage they have to pressure China to work together with them. I remember a line from an opinion piece written by Fred Hiatt in Washington Post. “China can have its Olympic Games or it can have its regime in Burma. It can't have both.”[2]

Thank you,

Aung Din

---

[1] Security Council, SC/9139, 11 October 2007, http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs//2007/sc9139.doc.htm
[2] What We Owe the Burmese, By Fred Hiatt, Monday, October 1, 2007; Page A19, Washington Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/09/30/AR2007093001036.html

Interview with the Liberal Institute

The Liberal Institute

---

INTERVIEW
http://www.liberalinstitute.com/AungDinInterview.html

---

AUNG DIN is arguably the world's leading Burmese political dissident who is not currently locked up or under house arrest. He founded and now heads the US Campaign for Burma. Mr. Aung has recently testified before the American Enterprise Institute and United States Senate, among others. He's also friends with Min Ko Naing and Nobel Peace Prize-winning Aung Sun Suu Kyi, the two leading legitimate Burmese leaders and winners of the 1990 elections which the dictatorship annulled. In late October he came to New York City where this exclusive interview took place.

Liberal Institute: In 1990 the people of Burma voted for freedom, the National League for Democracy, and Aung San Suu Kyi. But the Burmese generals and the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) utterly repudiated the elections and the will of the people. Instead, SLORC maintained -- and even worsened -- a horrific socialist dictatorship. You yourself went to jail for four years. What should the West, the world, and the UN have done in response to the 1990 usurpation and outrage by the military junta?

Aung Din: I was a student leader in 1988. Myself and the other student leaders organized a nationwide popular uprising. The same military junta as today gunned down thousands of peaceful demonstrators in the street -- people who were peacefully calling for political reforms, and an end to single-party rule.

But at the time the international community wasn't paying much attention to the situation in Burma -- so they didn't offer any kind of help. But even after the military cracked down on the '88 popular uprising, they could not cease the desire of the Burmese people for freedom and democracy.

We held multi-party general elections in 1990 in which the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi won an overwhelming victory. But the military junta to this day still refuses to honor the results.

LI: Yes, but what should the West and America have done in response? The West and America did nothing to help.

Aung Din: At the time there was no help offered from the international community. That is true.

LI: Yes, but what should America, Britain, and Europe have done? Should they have intervened militarily?

Aung Din: Militarily? No. What we wanted is they should have put the situation in Burma before the UN Security Council. It was clearly the case that a democratically-elected government was overthrown by the military dictatorship. It was a matter that needed the attention of the UN Security Council. And it was up to the international community urgently to intervene -- to make things better.

LI: But today do you want America to send its military to Burma to help?

Aung Din: No, no, no. We don't want it.

LI: Why not?

Aung Din: We're just not asking for that. We're not talking about any kind of military intervention. We're not calling for anybody to come in and overthrow the military government. We're calling for a peaceful solution by dialog.

The second point here is Burma has a long border with China. If there is some kind of military intervention from the international community I believe that the Chinese will invade at least some part of our country -- and maybe divide it. So we just don't want to see that kind of scenario. That's why we never ever ask for any kind of military intervenion.

LI: Well, okay. I know that in 2003 you spoke to the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee and you said "I want to stress that we are not asking for military invasion." But I'm a libertarian. I'm radically pro-freedom. So I think that maybe America should help. I think that the United States military should smart-bomb the military and police -- not the people. Maybe we do have to worry about China. But would it have really been wrong -- back in mid-September 2007, during the horrific military crackdown against the Buddhist monks and others -- for America to have attacked the junta's military and police?

Aung Din: Yes, I still think that it would have been wrong.

LI: Why?

Aung Din: Because so far we have bipartisan support from the US -- from the Republicans and the Democrats. If the Administration were to choose to use the military to help the situation in Burma, I believe there would be opposition from the Democratic Party and others, and we would lose our unanimous bipartisan support from the United States.

LI: Do you think America or Britain or others should give the people of Burma guns or other arms?

Aung Din: No. That's not what we're calling for.

LI: No?

Aung Din: No, no, no. We are a peace-seeking movement. Not a violent movement. We never ask for guns. We only ask for assistance in the pro-democracy movement. And for good treatment in the United States. But we never ask for guns or arms to help us.

LI: Maybe one more question on this. Do Aung Sun Suu Kyi or Min Ko Naing favor guns or weapons to Burma?

Aung Din: No. Not at all.

LI: No direct intervention from America?

Aung Din: Not at all. They never favor that.

Even [Aung Din's close friend] Min Ko Naing. He had a chance to flee to the Thai border, but he never chose to run away. He had many chances to flee over the Thai-Burma border but he never chose to flee.

LI: Really?

Aung Din: He chose to stay with his own people, even though he knew he would be arrested when he was finally caught. Even though he knew he would be tortured. [as actually happened]

LI: Is he still in prison?

Aung Din: Unfortunately yes. I just recently heard from one of my friends inside Burma that he and other dissidents had been recently released. But it turned out not to be the case.

LI: Wasn't he in jail for 14 or more years?

Aung Din: Yes. 15 years. From 1979 to 2004. But he was arrested again in September of 2006. He was released after 5 months, and then he was arrested again on September 21st, 2007.

LI: Is Aung San Suu Kyi in prison also?

Aung Din: No, she's under house arrest. She's still detained in her house -- since 1980.

LI: Do you know what libertarianism is?

Aung Din: I know a little -- not much.

LI: Because libertarianism is very radically pro-freedom. It's very much in favor of small government, and big individual liberty and responsibility.

Aung Din: I looked at your writings before coming here [for the interview]. At your previous articles. I noticed you really attack President Bush [smiles].

LI: Yes, because he's very, very weak when it comes to liberty. He's terrible for freedom, actually.

Aung Din: Yes, but as for us, we don't want to get involved in US politics. We are still working with what President Bush -- with what he is doing in Burma. And we are still enjoying the bipartisan support of both Republicans and Democrats. This is our intent.

LI: Okay, I understand. Maybe I don't agree.

Aung Din: I can't speak out for what other people -- such as yourself -- like or promote. I only want to serve my own cause -- which is Burma [not libertarianism].

LI: In August of 2007 there was an uprising led by Buddhist monks. Did you think, in your own mind, that it would be a successful revolution or a failed revolution?

[hesitates]

LI: Because now it's failed. It has failed.

Aung Din: Actually, this was not the first attempt at revolution. And it won't be the last one. This revolution and popular movement started in 1980. And it's never ended. It's never been killed. What we can say -- what it shows -- is that these are the continuous movements of the people of Burma to achieve their desire which is democracy and their human rights. So, yes, for the time being the military has successfully used violence to crush the peaceful demonstrators. And they aren't able to stage a protest for the moment.

But the people will come back later. They will regroup themselves. So I just say that this is not the first, and this is not the last [uprising]. The peaceful protests will continue.

LI: But the revolution in August and September failed.

Aung Din: No. I would not say that. The revolution has survived. It's still on-going. It started in 1988 and the people continue their protesst. They pass this down from one generation to another.

LI: I know, but back in October Americans were thinking that this would be like an Eastern European revolution -- like in Czechoslovakia or Poland in 1989. So did you think a little while ago that this uprising was going to succeed or...

Aung Din: We know that as long as we can't organize or control the military to stand up for the people of Burma, it may fail.

LI: Yes, but in Czechoslavakia and Poland the people there didn't have the military on their side. But they won anyway. Their revolution was successful. Your revolution in September failed. So are you sad or mad or...?

Aung Din: Yes. I'm sad. Also mad. But I just don't think it has failed totally. It is blocked by the regime for the moment. But our day will come. I will never say that the revolution has failed. The revolution survives.

LI: What did the people of Burma do wrong in September?

Aung Din: They did nothing wrong.

LI: Nothing?

Aung Din: No.

LI: But the uprising was unsuccessful.

Aung Din: Well, we're faced with an autocrat and evil regime which persists. But the struggle goes on. When you're faced with a brutal dictator who is not reluctant to use guns and violence to kill peaceful demonstrators, you must persist also. So the uprising has stopped for the time being. But this is very natural... But it does not mean that the revolution has been stopped totally.

LI: When will there be another uprising?

Aung Din: I don't know. It might be tomorrow. It might be next year. I don't know.

LI: This is very philosophical but: Right now America is failing in bringing freedom to Iraq and Afghanistan. Are there any lessons we can learn from there that apply to Burma?

Aung Din: I don't think so. Because I think the situations are quite different.

But I don't want to discuss American policy in Iraq and Afghanistan. I think American involvement in Burma is very different, and those other two situations don't really apply.

LI: How did the government treat you in prison?

Aung Din: On the first day of my arrest I was removed from a passenger bus. They stopped their car and pulled me out, in front of all the other passengers. It looked like they were catching a thief or criminal. People didn't know who I was or what I did. But they pulled me off the bus, handcuffed me, and put a hood over my face.

They then put me in a truck which was waiting nearby. And we drove off. I didn't know where I was going because they put me on the floor. They also placed their shoes on my body and neck -- I wasn't even really able to breath. This lasted for about 45 minutes or an hour, I don't know.

Finally they got me to my destination. Then they dragged me down from the truck. They dragged me all the way to the jail -- to the cell where they put me. They didn't uncuff me. They didn't take off my hood. Subsequently I heard steps. A door opened and someone came in. Then many people came in. They started to hit me and kick me. All without saying anything. I was like a soccer ball.

(to be continued...)

The Interview Point, New York, October 2007, Part II

The Interview Point, New York, October 2007, Part I

Burma: Traumatized Nation

MONKS, MEDIA AND THE MILITARY: THE SAFFRON REVOLUTION

The Open Society Institute and the Asia Society
The Asia Society
725 Park Avenue (at 70^th Street)
New York, NY 10021
Friday, October 5, 2007

Burma: Traumatized Nation

Aung Din
Policy Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
1444 N Street, NW, # A2
Washington, DC 20005
Tel: (202) 234 8022
Fax: (202) 234 8044
www.uscampaignforburma.org
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

===========================================================================

Introduction

Thank you everybody for gathering here today. I am honored to be here with Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, who have been monitoring human rights situation in Burma for more than seven years. I am also happy to learn from Ashin Cando Bhasacara, and Patrick, as well as from my colleague Nay Tin Myint, whom I haven't seen for 19 years. I appreciate Ahma Maureen Aung Thwin, Suzanne DiMaggio, the Open Society Institute and the Asia Society for holding this event at this critical time.

As we speak here today, horrible events, massive killings and massive arrests of peaceful demonstrators by the military junta already have begun and continued in my country. More than two hundred peaceful protesters, including Buddhist monks, students as young as 12 years old, and civilians, have been brutally killed and about 3,000 were arrested, by soldiers and riot police in a matter of days. The people of Burma are now in great shock and traumatized from these brutal experiences. They are now afraid of reaching the night. When the night falls, city becomes quiet, and then soldiers come in and raid houses and monasteries. They heard the sound of truck running in streets, dogs barking, soldiers shouting at those they have attacked, and arrested the whole night. They are not able to get out and help others during the curfew hours and they are even afraid of when their doors are knocked or broken by the soldiers.

Brief Situation in Burma

Let me present the current situation in Burma briefly. On August 15, the military junta suddenly increased gas prices, doubling the price of fuel and quintupling the price of compressed natural gas. This made the lives of ordinary citizens more difficult and more insecure. They could not go to school, offices or factories as they could not afford to pay for the new higher travel costs. They have not been able to purchase food and medicine for their families. Their already-difficult lives became more desperate.

The leaders of the 88-Generation Students, comprised of former student leaders who had spent over a decade in prison for their leading role in the 1988 popular democracy uprising, responsibly and quickly called on the military junta to reduce the prices and started to organize the people to walk, instead of taking buses, to make their demand more serious. A peaceful march, with about 500 people led by the student leaders, took place in Rangoon on August 19, 2007. The military junta responded by arresting key members of the 88-Generation Students, including Min Ko Naing, the second most prominent leader of Burma’s democracy movement, in the early morning of August 21, 2007 and threatened civil society not to hold any protest.

However, the arrests of student leaders did not stop the protests from continuing in the following days. Peaceful marches in the streets in various cities continued and the military junta used its militia, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), to crackdown on protesters. Peaceful protesters were brutally beaten and attacked by members of USDA and arrested. In the two weeks between August 21 and early September, the military junta arrested about 200 peaceful protesters.

The situation’s tipping point came on September 5th at Pakkoku Township in Middle Burma. Hundreds of monks came to streets, reciting Metta Sutra, which is the Buddhist teaching of loving and kindness. They felt that there is a lack of love and kindness in the country, and that's why they tried to send their enormous Metta to all the people of Burma, and believe that a peaceful solution can be reached under their Metta. However, they were wrong. They were confronted by angry soldiers and USDA members, who brutally attacked and fired several warning shots above them. Five monks were arrested, beaten and insulted by the soldiers in police lock-up. This is a huge insult in Buddhism and towards the monks, who are highly respected by the majority of the population in Burma.

Buddhist monks all over the country joined together, formed an organization called the "All Burma Monks' Alliance", and called on the military junta to fulfill four demands, which are (1) to apologize to the monks whom they have attacked and insulted, (2) to reduce the prices of fuel and basic commodities, (3) to release all detainees including Aung San Suu Kyi and (4) to engage in a meaningful political dialogue with the election winning party National League for Democracy and ethnic representatives. They asked the junta to fulfill these demands no later than September 17, 2007. On September 18, the 19^th anniversary of the military junta in power, Buddhist monks began a nationwide excommunicative boycott against the junta, USDA members and their families. Buddhist monks have refused to accept donations and offerings from them, and would not attend religious and social functions conducted by them, until and unless the junta fulfills their demands.

At that point, thousands of monks gathered at important Pagodas in various cities, and vowed to take excommunicative boycott against the junta. The junta tried to blocked access to the Pagodas and used its civilian militias to attack the monks. Then monks marched in the cities, reciting Metta Sutra, peacefully and with discipline. In Rangoon, monks gathered at the country’s most famous Buddhist shrine, the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, prayed in front of the Pagoda, and then marched toward Sule Pagoda in downtown Rangoon. First, the monks asked people not to join in the protests, and therefore, students and people only marched single file on both sides of the columns of monks, chaining their hands together to protect the monks. After a week in which their demands went unanswered monks encouraged all the people to join the protest. Hundreds of thousands of students and people joined tens of thousands of monks in peaceful marches in every major city in Burma, Rangoon, Mandalay, Mon Ywar, Bago, Sagaing, Pakkoku, Sittwe, Myitkyina, Mogok, Kyauk Padaung, and many other cities throughout Burma.

The military junta increased security forces in Rangoon and many other cities and imposed a curfew order on the night of September 25, and also banned the gathering, and assembly of more than five persons. Rangoon and Mandalay were also put under the authority of Divisional Commanders. This was effectively imposing martial law.

On September 26, 2007, in defiance against the threat, hundreds of thousands of peaceful protesters, under the leadership of monks, came into the streets. Several confrontations between security forces and protesters took place at many locations, nearby Shwe Dagon Pagoda, in Bahan Township, in Tamwe Township, at Shwe Gone Daing, nearby Sule Pagoda and in front of the Rangoon City Hall. Security forces threw tear gas canisters and smoke bombs to disperse the crowd and fired several rounds, in the air and at the crowd. According to various eye-witness accounts and the leader of the All Burma Monks' Alliance, five monks and two civilians were killed on Sept 26. Some of them were beaten to death and the rest were killed by gun-shots.

Major crackdown against the monks began at midnight of September 26 and early morning of September 27. Security forces raided Buddhist monasteries in Rangoon, and Myitkyina, Moe Nyin and Bhamo Townships in Kachin State. In Rangoon, several monasteries in South Okkalapa, North Okkalapa, Tamwe, Yankin, Thingangyun, Bahan, and Insein were raided by the troops at midnight and early morning. Let me share with you an example of how they had raided the monasteries.

Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery is a famous Buddhist teaching center, located in South Okkalapa Township, which is my hometown in Rangoon, with about 350 monks. These monks took part in the peaceful protests; as they did in the 1988 popular uprising. Therefore, this monastery was a major target of the SPDC. Early in the morning of Sept, 27, several hundred soldiers came with over 20 trucks and attacked the monastery. They brutally attacked the monks, arrested over 200 monks and left before dawn. When people from the neighborhood came to see the monastery in the morning, when curfew order was over, they amazingly saw blood spattering all over the monastery and about 50 monks left behind traumatized and badly beaten. They were told by the remaining monks that several monks were beaten to death by the soldiers. While the people were treating the injured monks, the military troops came back again and dragged away the rest of the monks. The people had to disperse from the monastery as the soldiers threatened to shoot, but they regrouped later with a large number of people, blocked the way of the military troops and demanded the release of the monks. The situation was tense, soldiers fired at the crowd and people threw stones at them. After a two hours stand-off, additional soldiers came in and they fired at the crowd. At least 8 people were killed and their bodies were taken away by the troops.

More than 50 monasteries in Rangoon and many other cities were raided by the military troops in a similar fashion as I mentioned above and the monasteries are all empty now. More than one thousand monks were brought into detention centers. Other monks are also being kept in detention in their monastery campuses, as their monasteries are surrounded by the military troops and their entrances are blocked by barricades.

On Sept 27, 2007, Rangoon became a battle field, between armed and blood-thirsty soldiers and un-armed protesters. The news of brutal attack and raids on monasteries spread all over the city and many people came out into street filled with enormous anger. They were confronted by security forces in various places. The troops fired at crowds with their automatic weapons at Pansodan Street, at Shwe Gone Daing, in front of Sule Pagoda, nearby Shwe Dagon Pagoda, in Sanchaung Township, Ahlone Township, nearby Kyaikkasan Pagoda, in Thingangyun Township, China Town, Pazundaung Township, and at the junction of 38^th Street and Mahabandoola Street. Various sources said that at least nearly 100 protesters were killed in these incidents and several hundreds were arrested. At 2:30 PM, the military troops tried to disperse protesters, who were staging a protest in front of State High School No. (3), Tamwe Township. As their examination had just finished, students, teachers and their parents who came out from the school became the victims of a brutal killing rampage. Military trucks, fully loaded with soldiers, ran into the crowd and many were killed by being run over by the trucks. Soldiers also shot at the crowd and according to several eye witness accounts, between 50 and 100, including students, teachers and parents, were killed. Soldiers left the scene and then came back again a half an hour later to pick up the bodies.

Number of Death and Arrest

So far, the military junta has claimed that they have killed nine protesters. However, the actual number of deaths is much more than they have claimed. We believe that more than 200 protesters, including monks, and students were killed by the Burmese military junta in a matter of days. One of the fatalities is Japanese reporter Mr. Kenji Nagai. Sources from Rangoon General Hospital said that they received about 100 dead bodies on September 26 alone. They were also instructed by the junta's Minister of Health Dr. Kyaw Myint not to send ambulances to incidents without permission from the military junta. According to some sources, the junta is using a crematorium at Yay Way Cemetery, on the outskirts of Rangoon, to destroy the dead bodies. Soldiers also threw dead bodies into the rivers.

We also believe that more than three thousand protesters, most of them monks, have been arrested and put in windowless warehouses inside the campus of the Government Technological Institute (GTI) in Insein Township, near the notorious Insein Prison. Several hundred more are being detained at various detention centers in many other cities. Number of arrest will be increased dramatically as the soldiers are now searching house by house, apartment by apartment, with photos in hands to arrest those they suspect. According to the National League for Democracy party, over 190 members of the NLD, including three leaders from NLD Headquarters and several dozen Members of Parliament-elect were arrested. Monks in detention have been forcibly disrobed by the soldiers, but they still refuse to accept food provided by their jailors. At least four monks died in detention due to the severe injuries they have sustained from being attacked by soldiers.

What's Next?

The military junta claimed that the situation in Burma has returned to normal. It is true that over 20,000 soldiers roam the streets of Rangoon. Their brutal and merciless actions and massive arrests have made it too difficult for people to stage protests in the streets. But this is not the end of story. People of Burma have stopped protests for the time being, while they transform the protest into another style. They will treat their wounded colleagues, they will search for missing members of their families, they will regroup and they will come back again with stronger force. I believe the military junta will not be able to kill the spirit of the Saffron Revolution. Democracy will prevail in Burma.

I was a student leader in 1988. Working together with other student leaders, we organized a nationwide popular uprising in Burma in August 1988, calling on the military junta to bring about political reform. The 1988 popular democracy uprising was ended with bloodshed, after the junta killed thousands of peaceful demonstrators in the streets in cold blood. We found surprisingly that the international community did not pay attention to Burma at that time and the international community failed to stop the violence in Burma. Therefore, the military junta was able to get away with crimes against humanity. We do not want the international community to fail again this time. The international community must hold the military junta of Burma accountable for these crimes against humanity and must take effective and collective action. The international community should not let this murderous regime get away with their serial killings.

Speaking with One Voice, Taking Collective and Effective Action NOW

The people of Burma have already proved with their blood that they sincerely want democracy and human rights by peaceful means. They are not asking the junta to move away from power at once. All they are asking is to engage in a meaningful political dialogue with the democracy movement and ethnic representatives. They are being killed, arrested and their families are being destroyed by the junta for such a moderate demand. Therefore, we hope that the international community will step in to stop the killings in Burma and to realize the political dialogue between the military junta, the election winning party National League for Democracy, and ethnic representatives. We are asking now for collective and effective action from the UN Security Council, a binding resolution, instructing the military junta of Burma to stop killing and arresting protesters, to treat all detainees humanely and provide them proper medical care, release all political detainees including Aung San Suu Kyi, and engage in a meaningful political dialogue with democracy forces and ethnic minority leaders for the sake of national reconciliation and a transition to democracy and civilian rule. We also want the UN Security Council to impose targeted sanctions against the military junta, which include an arms embargo, a travel ban of the top generals and their family members, and a ban on investment, and threaten the junta with stronger sanctions if it fails to fulfill the instructions of the Security Council.

We know that there is a possibility of strong rejection from China and Russia to adopt such a resolution. China has been comprehensively and profoundly interfering in the internal affairs of
Burma for two decades, providing more than a billion dollars in weapons to the generals whom the Burmese people, writ large, have tried every way they can to get rid of. Further, the Chinese have repeatedly provided cash infusions to the same killers of monks, rapists of young girls, and
destroyers of 3000 villages. The blood of this past week is on China's hands and they better start to clean it up NOW!! Any claim from the Chinese about not interfering in the internal affairs
of its neighbor should provoke derisive laughter, because that statement is patently false.

We all know that China and Russia might still exercise their veto powers to kill such a resolution. However, we, the people of Burma really want the United States, in consultation with the United Kingdom, France and other like-minded members, to table the resolution at the UN Security Council as soon as possible. As the people of Burma courageously challenge the brutal junta, we want the US and democratic countries to challenge China and Russia at the Security Council. We might fail, but, we will surely win.

Thank you,

Aung Din
Policy Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma