Aung Din - 2012 NED Democracy Award recipient

Aung Din: 2012 NED Democracy Award Acceptance Speech, September 24, 2012

NED Democracy Award Acceptance Speech, September 20, 2012

 Acceptance Speech for NED’s Democracy Award

Ladies and Gentlemen, Distinguished Guests, Senators and Representatives, and my fellow Burmese activists in exile,

It is a great honor for me to accept the Democracy Award on behalf of the Burma’s Democracy Movement. I thank to National Endowment for Democracy for this award and its consistent and effective support for the movement for many, many years. I especially thank to Carl Gershman, Barbara Haig, Brian Joseph, John Knaus, Aung Maw Zin, David Angeles and NED staff members for recognizing the small role I have play in support of the Burma’s democracy movement from away.

I am also very grateful to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for being here with us. Last time I saw her in Burma was 23 years ago in April 1989, after the Water Festival and few days before I was arrested. After she was released from house arrest in November 2010, I got a chance to speak to her on the phone. During the conversation, she said “Aung Din, you have to lose your weight.” Since then, I have tried to go to gym at least three times a week. It is a great pleasure for me to see you again, Aunty. I thank you very much for your strong and effective leadership for the peoples of Burma.

I also thank to my USCB team, Jennifer Quigley, Myra Daghapaw, Brianna Oliver and USCB board members Larry, Simon, Sam, Gordon, U Tin Maung Thaw, and Nickie, who all are here. Without them, without their support, I will not be in this room today.

While we are celebrating here today, there are about 100,000 refugees in Kachin State, northern part of Burma, in makeshift camps, struggling hard to survive under heavy rain, severe weather and infectious diseases, due to the fighting between the Burmese military and Kahin Independence Organization, after the 17 years old ceasefire agreement was broken in June last year. In the country’s west, over 70,000 refugees from Buddhist community and Muslim community have lost their homes, their villages, their neighborhoods, their properties, their families and friends, their hopes and their future, after the brutal and tragic communal conflict. In the country’s East, nearly a half million ethnic peoples are still hiding in jungles and mountains without knowing when they can have a permanent place to live and survive without fear. On the Thai-Burma border, about 150,000 refugees are under the pressure from Thai authorities to return Burma where they don’t feel safe yet. And on the mainland, several hundreds of political prisoners are still remain in prisons. Workers are trying hard to have increased their minimum wages and farmers are trying hard to take back their lands confiscated by the military and crony capitalists.

Our struggle for democracy, human rights, rule of law and equality among all ethnic nationalities are far from over. We will move forward and expend the opening wider and bigger under the great leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by peaceful means. We still need support from the outside world, especially from our true and best friend, United States of America. Please continue to lend your support for us in making of our country truly democratic, peaceful and prosperous.

God bless America and God bless Burma.

Thank You.

Aung Din
September 20, 2012

Panel Discussion at National Endowment for Democracy, September 19, 2012

Advancing Democracy in Burma

New Challenges and Opportunities

National Endowment for Democracy, September 19, 2012

Ladies and Gentlemen, Distinguished Guests,

Thank you very much for being here today. I would like to take this opportunity to thank National Endowment for Democracy (NED) for its consistent and effective support for the Burma’s democracy movement and honoring it with the Annual Democracy Award. I especially thank to President Carl Gershman, Barbara Haig, Brian Joseph, John Knaus, Aung Maw Zin, David Angeles, Tenzin Palkyi, and NED staff members for recognizing the small role I have played in support for the Burma’s democracy movement. I am also very much honored to be here with my heroes, U Hkun Htun Oo, Dr. Cynthia Maung and Ko Kyaw Thu, whose contribution to the Burma’s democracy movement are much bigger than mine. I am also very sad that one of my colleagues and heroes, Min Ko Naing, is not here with us. I miss him very much.

Overview of the Current Situation

I believe many people in this room are aware that there have been some positive changes in Burma. Many of you may think that these changes are on the right path and moving forward with the right speed. But, I am not yet able to share similar sentiments. Why you might ask?

Two days ago, the regime released nearly 100 political prisoners. With this release, more than 700 political prisoners were freed between October 2011 and now. But they are free only because the President has suspended their prison terms according to Section 401 (1) of the Penal Code. They can be re-arrested without warrant and sent back to prison to serve the remainder of their prison terms if the President is not happy with their actions. Furthermore, there are still more than 300 political prisoners, including human rights defender U Myint Aye, remain incarcerated in prisons.

President Thein Sein has announced the suspension of the controversial Myitsone Dam project, which is fully funded by the Chinese Government and only intended to fill the energy need of China. However, suspension is not enough to end the destruction of the River Irrawaddy, the major life line of the people of Burma, by this mega dam and hydropower production. The threat to the Irrawaddy River is still out there.

Recently, the regime announced that all publications can be made without censorship. However, there are still strict guidelines that the media has to follow. The Press Scrutiny and Registration Board still exist. The laws that threaten the freedom of press are still active. And the regime’s propaganda machine is still up and running. 

The regime said it is committed to making peace with ethnic resistance forces. Most of the ethnic armies have accepted a ceasefire agreement and continued peace talks with the regime. However, their expectation to have a meaningful political dialogue and sustained political solution are far away from reality while they are forced to open their areas for economic advancement and development projects. And severe fighting in Kachin State between the regime’s troops and the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) is ongoing and now entering its 16th month resulting in more than 100,000 internally displaced persons.  

The regime has invited all Burmese nationals in exile to return home. However, many Burmese who want to see their families back in Burma are asked by the Burmese Embassies to sign papers agreeing that they would not get involved in politics when they return home. Recently, Saw Kyaw Kyaw Min, a human rights lawyer who went back to Burma in early 2012 after four years in exile, was sentenced to six months for the charges made by the regime before he fled the country.

There are three major areas where I have not seen any changes. First, the judiciary system is still not independent and impartial. It is still working to serve the pleasure of the regime. Incompetent judges are running “kangaroo courts” with the support of corrupt and abusive law enforcement officers whose only way to get confession from the accused is torture and manipulation. Many laws and decrees created by the successive military regimes to oppress democratic opposition are still active and being used.  Second, the country’s economy is still controlled by the military, crony capitalists, and families of the regime. While crony fathers become cabinet ministers or Members of Parliament in the new political system, crony sons and daughters are running their parents’ business empires in cooperation with the new ruling elites. There is no chance for ordinary national capitalists to compete with them on a level playing field. And third, the Burmese military is still above the law and dominant in the country’s political affairs with unchecked powers. There is no sign in sight that the Burmese military will stop committing human rights violations and come under the civilian control.

All I am seeing right now is half-way measures in some areas as well as areas that haven’t changed at all. It is fair to question and doubt whether this so-called reform process in my country will be succeeded positively in a reasonable time. 

New Challenges

The new strategy of the Burma’s democracy movement is to work within the regime’s political system. They aim to capture majority of contested seats in the Parliament in the general election in 2015. If democracy forces win the majority in the Upper House and the Lower House, there is a possibility that one of the Burmese democrats will become the President and another will become a Vice President through the 2015 election. Democracy forces will also have a chance to lead the Legislative Body by holding Parliament Speakership. The Parliament majority and the Presidency will help democracy forces to improve the country’s health care, education, social welfare, labor, agriculture, industry, finance, foreign relations, and trade, as well as promoting an independent judiciary system, rule of law and basic freedoms of citizens. This will also help to improve the rights of ethnic nationalities. But it will happen only IF (IF) the 2015 election is free and fair and conducted under the supervision of international monitors. 

The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the military will not allow easy change. They will continue to commit human rights abuses and control the economy. They will try to hold on to power through the use of threats, vote buying and other negative campaigns to retain the majority in the Parliament. Communal and racial riots may be instigated to create public demand for the intervention of the military, as they did in Rakhine (Arakan) State in June 2012.

Opportunities

At the same time, we are seeing the cracks among the ruling elite. President Thein Sein is trying to consolidate his power in the government while Lower House Speaker Shwe Man is trying to undermine his authority by exercising parliamentary maneuvers.

Current conflict between the executive branch and the legislature regarding the role of the Constitutional Tribunal proved that both Thein and Shwe Mann have tried hard to get support from General Min Aung Hlaing, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, to win over each other, and both failed. Min Aung Hlaing instructed his officials in the Parliament not to vote for the impeachment of the judges from the Tribunal and also not to support the call made by the President to amend the Constitution to define the role of parliamentary committees clearly. He recalled Lt. General Hla Min, the defense minister, and replaced him with Lt-General Way Lwin. He did it on purpose to show his power and make it clear that he is the one who commands the ministry of defense, ministry of home affairs and ministry of border affairs in the government and the armed forces. He also made his point that the military will not support any attempt to reduce his power by amending the Constitution. This power dynamic between Thein Sein, Shwe Mann and Min Aung Hlaing can be considered one of the opportunities.

The competition between Thein Sein and Shwe Mann might be a good thing. Both are now trying to present themselves as the champion of democracy and reform. We should push them to do more to prove that they are sincere, serious and courageous. The remaining political prisoners should be released. War in Kachin State should be stopped. Political dialogue with ethnic minorities should be realized and mutually-acceptable solutions should be achieved. Equality among all ethnic nationalities should be granted. Spending on education, health care and social welfare should be increased while spending on the military should be reduced. Ethnic minorities should have right to have proper share of revenue from natural resources generated from the area they live. Unfair laws and degrees should be replaced with the laws that grant and protect the rights of the citizens. The National Human Rights Commission should be institutionalized by the Parliamentary Legislation as a permanent, independent and reliable body, instead of the President’s personal initiative. Restrictions and limitations imposed on the civil society organizations and former political prisoners must be lifted. Judiciary system should be independent, impartial and competent. Torture and inhumane treatment in prisons and labor camps should be ended. There are many things that they need to do to prove they are real reformists.

Burma’s growing civil society is also another opportunity. Democracy activists, former political prisoners, human rights lawyers, women activists, students and social workers are rapidly expanding their reach and widening the opening outside the parliament framework. Their consistent efforts to get involved in the country’s political process and to promote peace and understanding between the Burman majority and ethnic minorities are very encouraging. Their strong effort to assist refugees and IDPs in war-torn Kachin State and Shan State, the flooded Ayeyarwady Region and the violence-inflicted Rakhine State are admirable. Furthermore, their strong involvement in elections of village and block administrators, who are at the foundation of the country’s governing system and who will control the polling stations nationwide in 2015, is very impressive. 

As some restrictions are lifted, Burma’s media is blossoming. Private journals, magazines and other publications are now trying to report the real situation in the country to the people and sharing feature stories of democracy, human rights, and development of civil society. Journalists, editors, and writers are forming independent organizations for the first time in 50 years to defend the freedom of press and demand for more. Combined with electronic media, social networks and citizen journalists, active movement of independent media is another opportunity in shaping the country’s future.

The Way Forward

There are many challenges and opportunities lying ahead. How to utilize these opportunities and overcome these challenges will depend on how democracy forces and ethnic minorities inside Burma work together in harmony within and outside the Parliament’s framework and how they groom and nurture young generation of future leaders. However, they should not be left alone. Constant monitoring on the situation in Burma and the right approach of balanced pressure and engagement by the international community, especially by the United States, is still needed. Giving the regime too much credit and too many rewards would be a mistake. Maintaining the remaining sanctions and readiness to re-impose sanctions that were suspended by the presidential waiver are very important if the situation in Burma is moving in the wrong direction.  Engaging with the Burmese military and allowing them to enjoy U.S. training and assistance will be considered as accessories to the murders. Allowing the U.S. business to invest in Burma without setting the binding principles to prevent them from aiding and abetting human rights violations in the country is irresponsible. Failure to identify crony businesspersons in Burma and put them in the Department of Treasury’s Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) List is unacceptable. Abandoning the call for justice and accountability for the victims of human rights abuses for decades in the name of supporting fledgling reform will be regrettable.

Thank you,

Aung Din