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Friday, December 27, 2002

Bells are Ringing

Bells are Ringing

By Aung Din

http://www.irrawaddy.org/aviewer.asp?a=36&z=10

December 27, 2002—Christmas Bells are ringing. The New Year is a few days away. Houses are decorated with Christmas trees, lights and flowers. City sidewalks, buildings, shopping malls and parks are festively decorated. Parents are impatiently awaiting the return of their sons and daughters who are away at work or school. Their family reunions are definitely coming. This is the time for gathering of the relatives and friends and meeting loved ones.

In Burma, which has been under military rule for over four decades, the phrase "family reunion" is meaningless for many families—especially for those of the more than 1,300 political prisoners. They have been waiting every Christmas, every New Year and every day with little hope since 1988. Even though they suffer the hardships and countless struggles of the economic crisis in Burma, they still long to have their family members back. They would cherish any precious little time they could spend with their loved ones. They would even pay any ransom to the jailer—Burma’s military regime, which killed thousands of peaceful demonstrators in 1988—to bring them back home.

Some political prisoners will never return. They have died in prisons. Torture, harassment, depression and lack of health care made them say good-bye forever to their loved ones. So far this year, 82 prisoners have died in detention and in interrogation centers. U Aung May Thu, chairman of the Min Hla Township Organizing Committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD) died in Tharawaddy prison on Sept 17 as number 80. U Sai Phat, Central Committee Member of the NLD died in a detention center on Oct 9 as number 81. U Maung Ko became number 82 when he died in the Tharawaddy prison on Nov 15.The numbers keep growing as their prison terms become longer. The prisoners’ hope for freedom is lessened, and their health deteriorates day by day. Senior leaders of the NLD, U Win Tin, Dr Than Nyein, U Khin Maung Swe, U Sein Hla Oo, U Ohn Kyaing and Myint Soe are suffering from serious health problems in the prisons. Other activists, U Thu Way and U Htwe Myint of the Democracy Party, Dr Min Soe Linn of the Mon National Democratic Front, Dagon University student Phone Thet Pyine, and many others are also in bad shape.

What did they do to be in the prisons? Are they terrorists? Are they criminals? Are they murderers? No, their only crime was expressing their desire for democracy and human rights, as many people around the world enjoy. They took to the streets and expressed their desires peacefully, unarmed. Their actions were completely non-violent, but the response of the military regime was entirely violent. Thousands of peaceful demonstrators were gunned down in the streets. Thousands more were forced to flee from the country and thousands of others were imprisoned and continue to suffer. According to the International Committee for the Red Cross and Paulo Sergio Pinherio, Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission on Human Rights, there are still more than 1,300 political prisoners in Burma including 18 elected Members of Parliament.

Look at Dr Salai Tun Than. He was 72 years old in 2001 when he made a solo protest in front of the Rangoon City Hall. He was a former rector of the Agricultural University in Burma. He graduated from the University of Georgia and University of Wisconsin in the 1950s. He has had a beautiful and successful life—but he couldn’t stay away from the suffering of the people. He decided to do something about it. He dressed up in a professor's gown. He wrote his sincere demands on paper, which were to release all political prisoners and to start the political dialogue between the generals and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the democracy movement. He stood in front of City Hall and distributed pamphlets with these demands to passersby. He spoke to the audience that formed around him of his demand for less than 15 minutes before he was brought forcibly into the City Hall compound by the security. Now he sits in the notorious Insein prison serving a seven year jail term. As a Christian, he will miss celebrating this Christmas with his family and for many more years.

In August of this year, Rangoon University Law students Thet Naung Soe, 20, and Khin Maung Win, 18, followed Dr Salai Tun Than’s lead. They made their peaceful protest at the same place he did. They also were arrested within 15 minutes. Now they are in prison with 14-year and seven-year terms respectively. They all will miss this Christmas, this New Year and many more, unless the military regime releases these political prisoners as encouraged by Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Razali Ismail, the UN Special Envoy to Burma.

Since taking over the duties of the special envoy, Razali always brought the news of the possible release of the political prisoners after his periodic trips to Burma. Our expectations were high whenever he returned from Burma, but each time the regime had only released a few. Razali could claim that he has helped secure the release of more than 450 political prisoners in two years. But 300 of them were already due for release soon anyway having nearly completed their prison sentences. Only about 150 were granted early release.

After his ninth visit to Burma in Nov 2002, Razali said that he strongly urged the regime to free more than 200 political prisoners by the end of this year. During his third visit to Burma in October, Pinherio urged the regime to release all political prisoners by the end of the year. According to Pinherio’s report to the UN General Assembly in November, the military regime told Pinherio that it was not possible to release all but the releases will continue.

A few weeks ago, the military regime made a surprise announcement through their Washington, DC-based lobby firm DCI Associates, that they would release 115 "security detainees"—their euphemism for political prisoners—in one day, on Nov 22, 2002. As a Burmese who has witnessed and experienced the ways the regime cheats and lies all too often, we greeted this news with skepticism. Our suspicions were confirmed again when they only released 60 political prisoners in five days, not 115 in single day as they had promised.

We have no doubt that the release of political prisoners has been at the top of the agenda whenever Razali and Pinherio have met with the generals. We believe that both Razali and Pinherio will try their best to persuade the regime to release all political prisoners, at least as a special gesture to encourage more official visits. But it seems that by releasing a small number of political prisoners—always right before or after the official visits, the regime is convincing them to believe that Burma is moving in the right political direction. This deception is necessary for the regime to prolong their rule for at least another decade. The regime is using the political prisoners as hostages to demand ransom from the international community, and they are using Razali and Pinherio as their messengers, hoping to convince the world that they only release political prisoners like Suu Kyi because of engagement and cooperation, not because of pressure.

It is easy to see the discrepancies between what the regime says and what they really do, and it is imperative to apply strong and consistent pressure so that the regime will not continue to cheat the world again and again. International pressure—economic and political—is required now more than ever. We can’t let the regime continue their slow and insincere homegrown process as they declared. We must make political progress a reality. We must make the reunion of these unfortunate people and their loved ones happen as quickly as possible by throwing every kind of pressure we have at the regime.

As Razali and Pinherio are still playing important role in the conflict of Burma, they have to ensure that they are not being used by the regime. While they may relay the messages of the regime to the world, while they make people expectant by sharing their optimism, they have a duty to hold the regime accountable when it fails to keep its promises. The end of the year is almost here. We hope both Razali and Pinherio will try their best to secure the release of 200 political prisoners in the next few days to justify their previous optimism.

The families of Burma’s political prisoners will keep a candle lit everyday and night because their expectation for their heroes’ return will never fade away. Reunions between these democracy supporters and their loved ones will not seem too late, because this is the life that we have grown accustomed to under the military regime over four decades.

Aung Din is a former political prisoner in Burma. He was in prison between 1989 and 1993. He is currently working at the Washington, DC-based Free Burma Coalition as a Director of Policy and Strategy.


Thursday, August 22, 2002

Teaching Conflict Resolution to Dictators

Teaching Conflict Resolution to Dictators.

Recently, I was at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and attending the annual conference of the United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS). I had a great opportunity to meet with over one hundred American student representatives from over sixty universities and colleges. The USAS leadership invited the Free Burma Coalition to their conference to explain the situation in Burma. On behalf of the FBC, I joined the conference, made a presentation on the current political situation in Burma, and clearly told the American students how we want them to help us. This is a part of the duties of the FBC as well as myself. We are here to expose to the world about the suffering of the people of Burma under the most brutal military regime. We are here to urge the international community to apply pressure against the Burmese military regime to stop human rights abuses against its own people. That’s why we are here in the U.S.

Burma has been under the military dictatorship for more than 40 years since 1962. And Burma is under the current military regime for more than 14 years since 1988. Once, one of the richest countries in Asia and its 52 million people are suffering poverty, unfairness, rapes, tortures, imprisonment, forced labor, child labor, forced relocation, and all kinds of human rights abuses by the military.

14 years ago, we have initiated the nationwide mass uprising in Burma demanding democracy and human rights. Millions of people participated in peaceful demonstrations across the country. But our non-violent movement was ended in bloody massacres. The military killed thousands of innocent people on the streets. Country’s 38 prisons were filled with the people who were arrested by the military intelligence during the brutal crackdown. Thousands of people fled to the border areas and became refugees in neighboring countries. On September 18, 1988, the current military regime was created as the “ State Law and Order Restoration Council” to replace the dying dictatorship.

Two years later, the military held the multi-party general election on May 27, 1990 under the martial law. They believed that their political party “ National Unity Party”, which was formed by former military commanders, will surely win in the elections, while they were detaining democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other prominent leaders of the democratic movement. To their surprise, the National League for Democracy, which was formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi before she was arrested, won landslide victory with 82% of the parliamentary seats. The military quickly refused to honor the election results and arrested elected Members of Parliament and put them behind bars. People’s expectation to enjoy democracy and human rights under the elected government was destroyed again. But people never give up. The struggle continues. There is a conflict in Burma between the military and unarmed people, between the human rights abusers and the abused, between the oppressors and the oppressed. People want democracy, human rights and human dignity.

Since the people of Burma are using non-violent means to settle this conflict, the military is using violent methods to settle the conflict in their own way. The conflict resolution theory of the military regime is very simple but dangerous and costing the many innocent lives, destroying and eliminating the opponents by using their army, the military intelligence mechanism and prisons combined with unfair laws and orders. As long as we are adopting different methods of conflict resolution, we won’t be able to solve the conflict. The most important thing is that we, both sides need to accept the same conflict resolution theory to solve the problems. The very most important thing is that the military needs to accept the non-violent conflict resolution theory as we do.

When will the military accept the non-violence resolution to settle the conflict and to restore the national reconciliation? Who will urge them to settle the conflict peacefully? What kind of situation will force them to agree with the people of Burma in democracy, human rights and human dignity? I think the answers to these questions lie on the people around the world who would like to see the people of Burma free from all sufferings.

The international community has a right to reject the Burmese military regime as a legal government. They should have endorsed the legitimacy of the National League for Democracy, which has the mandate of the people to govern the country legally. They should have urged the military regime to settle the conflict non-violently. They should have applied the political and economic pressure against the military regime to come over to the dialogue table to negotiate with the opposition for the sake of the people and country. They should have cut the earning of the regime, which is helping the expansion of their military forces. They should have let the regime understand that there is no place for the dictators and dictatorships in the world.

Generally, it will be difficult to get the strong support from the people of the world for the people from the other side of the world. But, the world has changed dramatically. The Internet technology created the world as a global village. We, the Free Burma Coalition, which was formed by the Burmese students in exile and American students in 1995, take an advantage of the Internet technology to promote the awareness of human rights abuses in Burma. We are able to reach to the every part of the world using the Internet technology. We are able explain our struggle to the concerned citizens around the world and get their strong and consistent support. With the support of the grass root people, human rights activists and students, we are able to urge the international governments and the United Nations to apply the political and economic pressure against the Burmese military regime to push for the peaceful solution and national reconciliation.

We need to educate the Burmese military regime to accept the non-violent theories and methods in conflict resolution and its management for lasting peace and endured national reconciliation. That’s what we are doing now.

Aung Din
August 22, 2002.

Sunday, January 20, 2002

Mesage to Fiiends

မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားသို႔ ေမတၱာစာ

ေအာင္ဒင္
ဇန္နဝါရီ ၂ဝ၊ ၂ဝဝ၂ ညေန ၆း၅၅ နာရီ

ငါတို႔ဘာလုပ္ၾကမလဲ
?

ပင္လယ္လို ငိုညည္းေနၾကမွာလား၊
မုန္တိုင္းလို ရမ္းကား
႐ူးသြပ္မွာလား၊
ခန္႔မွန္းရခက္တ့ဲ မိုးတိမ္ေတြလို
မတည္မၿငိမ္ ေရြ႔လ်ားေနၾကမွာလား၊
မီးေတာင္လို
အခ်ိန္ေစာင့္ၿပီးမွ ေပါက္ကြဲရမွာလား
?

တခ်ိဳ႔က
အတိတ္ကို လွလွပပျပန္ေရး
ကိုယ္ရည္ေသြးတီးလံုးေတြနဲ႔ မြမ္းမံ
ျပတိုက္နံရံမွာ ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲက်န္ရစ္ခ့ဲ
….

တခ်ိဳ႔က
ပညာရွိဝတ္
႐ံုၿခံဳလႊမ္း
က်မ္း
စာေတြ၊ ႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲေတြ
စကၠဴေပၚကစီမံကိန္းေတြနဲ႔
လိုက္လို႔မမီေအာင္ ခ်ီတက္သြားၾကၿပီ


တခ်ိဳ႔လည္း
နာက်ည္းဆဲ၊ ငို
ေႂကြးဆဲ
အလြမ္းေတြထဲမွာ ေနသားတက်
ဖန္ဆင္းခံရတ့ဲ ဘဝတခုလို


ငါ့စပယ္
႐ံုေလးကေတာ့
အပြင့္ေတြေဝလိုက္
အပြင့္ေတြ
ေႂကြလိုက္
အရာခပ္သိမ္းကို နားလည္ေပးလိုက္နဲ႔
မိုက္မိုက္မဲမဲ သင္းပ်ံ႔ဆဲ


မိတ္ေဆြတို႔ေရ
ေဆာင္းပီသေအာင္
ႏွင္းေတြက်လိုက္ၾကပါစို႔
။ ။