Moderator Speech at U.S Burma Conference

US Burma Conference, March 24-25, 2008

Organized by Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (CRS) and Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR), U.S. Department of State

Introduction and general overview of ethnic groups in Burma
Aung Din, Executive Director, U.S. Campaign for Burma

Good Morning Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am here to moderate the panel of ethnic groups in Burma, which is a very important issue to understand the problems facing our country. You may be aware that the struggle of the people of Burma today is not only for democratization, but also for national reconciliation. As we are confronting the brutal military junta to reclaim democracy and fundamental human rights, we are also working to regain the trust and unity among all ethnic nationalities, without whom the Union of Burma will not be realized. Let me begin with a general overview before three experts speak on their particular concerns.

Burma has eight major ethnic nationalities, which are the Burman, Shan, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon, Rakhine (aka) Arakan, and Chin. The Burman majority is estimated about 60% and the rest combined are about 40% of the total population. The majority Burman occupies about 40% of total area and the rest combined occupy about 60%. There are also many other ethnic groups, who are actually sub-groups related one way or another to the major races. And these major ethnic groups were independent Kingdoms or city-states in the past, with their own territories and their own cultures and languages.

For a thousand years, until the fall of Bago in 1757, the Mon ruled much of lower Burma. The Rakhine (aka) Arakan have a long history of independence, and they had ruled their owned-kingdom until 1784. When the British colonized Burma with three wars in 1824, 1852 and 1886, Arakan, Mon and Karen areas, which were occupied territories of Burma, were also colonized together and later known as “Ministerial Burma” or “Burma Proper”, which was under “direct rule” of the British. Karenni State, Shan State, Chin State and Kachin State were recognized then as sovereign states as they were not conquered by the Burman King. British conquered or pacified these areas during a different period of time and formed them together as the “Frontier Areas”, under its indirect rule. Under the British policy of “indirect rule”, local chiefs of the Chin, Kachin, Karenni and the Shan were allowed to retain a certain level of administrative and judiciary power within their respective territories.

The Aung San-Attlee Agreement, signed by our national leader U Aung San and then British Prime Minister Attlee in 1947, called for the “unification of the Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of those areas”[1]. U Aung San and ethnic leaders met in Panglong in Shan State, discussed frankly and patiently and finally agreed to achieve the independence together. The second paragraph of the Panglong Agreement stated that “The members of the Conference, believing that freedom will be more speedily achieved by the Shans, the Kachins and the Chins by their immediate co-operation with the Interim Burmese Government:-[2]”. The Panglong Agreement, signed by U Aung San and leaders of the Shan, Kachin and Chin people on February 12, 1947 was the foundation to achieve the independence from the British together, and the frame-work to form an independent Union together on the basic of equality among all ethnic nationalities. However, this fundamental principle of equality never came true and it is the reason for Burma being in a civil war, which was born together with independence and has lasted to this day.

Ethnic leaders had expected that the 1947 Constitution would be based on a Federal system, which they agreed in the Panglong Agreement. However, as U Aung San was assassinated in July 1947, what he agreed with the ethnic leaders was not realized and the 1947 Constitution came alive. While Shan State, Kachin State, Karenni State, and Chin Special Division were recognized, the power was totally controlled by the central government, run by the Burman majority. Karenni people felt that they were forced to join in a union without adequate consultation and then took up arms against the central government. The Karen also started its armed rebellion soon and the Mon and Arakan followed later. In 1958, the Shan started their revolution for independence and the Kachin’s independence movement began in 1961. In 1989, The Chin National Front was formed to challenge the military junta by arms struggle.

For some Burmese, they think that they are inheritors of the pre-British Burma Kingdom and therefore they belong to all parts of Burma today. For them, the Burman majority is the ruler and the ethnic groups are their subordinates. This sentiment is deeply rooted among the military leaders. Federalism with volunteer participation based on equality is the major source of the unified Burma for ethnic leaders and national leader U Aung San. However, for the military leaders, federalism is the major source of disintegration of the country, and the major excuse of their coup in 1962 and their successive and continuous ruling of the country to this day. The Burmese military leaders still hold the mindset of ancient Kings, using its military strength to expand and control territories and subordinate others to be their loyal servants. Those who refuse to accept its authority are destroyed or driven out. It is the reason why over 3,200 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed, with over 500,000 ethnic populations hiding in the jungles and mountains as internally displaced persons and over two millions people living in neighboring countries as unwelcome refugees and illegal immigrants.

However, since 1988, the majority of Burmans have come to realize the suffering of ethnic nationalities under the successive military rulers. Thanks to the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF), the student army which was formed by students after the bloody crack-down on the 1988 popular uprising, ethnic revolutionary groups came to realize that equality and self-determination can be achieved by working together with the Burmese democracy forces. With the same belief, all ethnic political parties in Burma also support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). The Bo Aung Kyaw Street Joint Statement No (1), by the National League for Democracy and the United Nationalities League for Democracy (UNLD) (coalition of all ethnic parties contested in the 1990 elections), was signed by leaders of both the NLD and UNLD on August 29, 1990. As stated in the paragraph no. (4-B) of that statement, the NLD and UNLD “agree to call for a Conference of National Reconciliation with the participation of all ethnic nationalities, under the guidance of the new Parliament, to write a new constitution, which will be sustainable and agreeable among all ethnic races.[3] They also agreed in paragraph no. (4-C) that “all ethnic nationalities should acquire equality in politics and race as well as self-determination fully and that a Union that grants democracy and human rights should be established with the unity of all ethnic nationalities”[4]. However, their dream never comes true again as the military junta has refused to honor the 1990 election results and has continually denied convening the Parliament.

The military junta has claimed that since 1990, it has reached negotiated ceasefire agreements with 17 ethnic armed groups. However, most of these groups, notably Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Army (North), and United Wa State Party (UWSA), are still holding their armies and arms. Three major groups, the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and the Shan State Army (South) are still active in armed conflict with the military junta forces.[5] When entering into the ceasefire agreement with the junta, ethnic groups were told that they would have chance to discuss various political differences. Later, they were invited to attend the national convention, which the election winning party, the NLD and ethnic parties refused to participate in. During the later part of the 14-year long national convention, proposals submitted by these ethnic ceasefire groups, demanding for equality and self-determination, were denied. Recently, the junta has claimed that the state constitution is already written, and planned to call for a nationwide referendum in May this year to approve it.

Apparently, based on the basic and detailed principles adopted by the national convention, this constitution does not grant democracy, human rights and rule of law. Furthermore, it also does not meet the expectation of the ethnic nationalities. While the head of the military, the Commander-in-Chief becomes the most powerful person in Burma unelected, with the power to administer all military affairs freely, power to stage military coup whenever he deems fit, and power to control the Country’s executive, legislative and judiciary branches, ethnic states are created as the subordinates of the mainland. Chiefs of states and their Cabinets are to be appointed by the President and key departments in states, regarding security and border affairs, will be controlled by the military. While military officers, appointed by the Commander-in-Chief, occupy 25% of the seats of the state Parliament, judges appointed by the President will manage the state judiciary affairs. There is no sign of equality and self-administration.

Ethnic resistance will surely continue. The three major armed groups, KNU, KNPP and SSA (South) will continue their arm struggled and some ceasefire groups will resume their revolution, if the junta approves the constitution against the will of the people of Burma and asks them to disarm. The New Mon State Party, one of the largest ceasefire groups with nearly 10,000 strong forces, issued a statement on March 9, 2008, in which it demands that the referendum should not be held before the tripartite dialogue, and that the draft constitution should be amended by discussion with ethnic nationalities and democratic organizations.[6] Meanwhile, Kachin people are putting pressure on the three ceasefire groups in Kachin State, KIO, NDA (K) (New Democratic Army-Kachin) and KDA (Kachin Defence Army), with over 20,000 strong forces, to reject the constitution. On March 22, KIO Central Committee issued an internal instruction, ordering its members not to vote in the upcoming referendum[7].

We had a good start in 1947 when our matured leaders signed the Panglong Agreement to build a unified and democratic country of Burma. However, the 1947 constitution did not satisfy the needs of ethnic populations and made some ethnic groups hold arms. The 1947 constitution was suspended in 1962 when the military took over power, and a new constitution was adopted by General Ne Win’s regime in 1974. The 1974 Constitution denied democracy, human rights and rights of all ethnic nationalities and therefore ethnic armed resistance have continued and intensified. Now, the military junta is planning to perpetuate the military dictatorship with another sham constitution. The military junta’s plan to hold the constitutional referendum in May 2008 and a multi-party general elections in 2010, without having serious political dialogue with Daw Aung San Su Kyi, NLD and ethnic representatives, is not the significant step forward, as welcomed and promoted by the UN Special Envoy Mr. Gambari. This is the beginning of the worst nightmare, another round of brutal confrontation and an opening of Pandora’s Box.

Now, let me stop the general overview here.

Aung Din

Executive Director

U.S. Campaign for Burma

aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

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[1] Conclusion reached in the conversations between His Majesty’s Government and the Delegation from the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, dated 27^th January 1947

[2] The Panglong Agreement, 1947

[3] Unofficial translation of the Bo Aung Kyaw Street Joint Statement No (1), dated August 29, 1990, by the National League for Democracy and United Nationalities League for Democracy

[4] Ditto

[5] Report of Secretary-General to UN Security Council on Children and Armed Conflict in Myanmar, S/2007/666, 16 November 2007

[6] Statement on constitutional referendum that will conduct in May by the Burmese military regime, New Mon State Party, March 9, 2008, http://www.nmsp.info/

[7] BBC Burmese Service Broadcast, March 22, 2008, Evening Program