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Friday, December 27, 2002

Bells are Ringing

Bells are Ringing

By Aung Din

http://www.irrawaddy.org/aviewer.asp?a=36&z=10

December 27, 2002—Christmas Bells are ringing. The New Year is a few days away. Houses are decorated with Christmas trees, lights and flowers. City sidewalks, buildings, shopping malls and parks are festively decorated. Parents are impatiently awaiting the return of their sons and daughters who are away at work or school. Their family reunions are definitely coming. This is the time for gathering of the relatives and friends and meeting loved ones.

In Burma, which has been under military rule for over four decades, the phrase "family reunion" is meaningless for many families—especially for those of the more than 1,300 political prisoners. They have been waiting every Christmas, every New Year and every day with little hope since 1988. Even though they suffer the hardships and countless struggles of the economic crisis in Burma, they still long to have their family members back. They would cherish any precious little time they could spend with their loved ones. They would even pay any ransom to the jailer—Burma’s military regime, which killed thousands of peaceful demonstrators in 1988—to bring them back home.

Some political prisoners will never return. They have died in prisons. Torture, harassment, depression and lack of health care made them say good-bye forever to their loved ones. So far this year, 82 prisoners have died in detention and in interrogation centers. U Aung May Thu, chairman of the Min Hla Township Organizing Committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD) died in Tharawaddy prison on Sept 17 as number 80. U Sai Phat, Central Committee Member of the NLD died in a detention center on Oct 9 as number 81. U Maung Ko became number 82 when he died in the Tharawaddy prison on Nov 15.The numbers keep growing as their prison terms become longer. The prisoners’ hope for freedom is lessened, and their health deteriorates day by day. Senior leaders of the NLD, U Win Tin, Dr Than Nyein, U Khin Maung Swe, U Sein Hla Oo, U Ohn Kyaing and Myint Soe are suffering from serious health problems in the prisons. Other activists, U Thu Way and U Htwe Myint of the Democracy Party, Dr Min Soe Linn of the Mon National Democratic Front, Dagon University student Phone Thet Pyine, and many others are also in bad shape.

What did they do to be in the prisons? Are they terrorists? Are they criminals? Are they murderers? No, their only crime was expressing their desire for democracy and human rights, as many people around the world enjoy. They took to the streets and expressed their desires peacefully, unarmed. Their actions were completely non-violent, but the response of the military regime was entirely violent. Thousands of peaceful demonstrators were gunned down in the streets. Thousands more were forced to flee from the country and thousands of others were imprisoned and continue to suffer. According to the International Committee for the Red Cross and Paulo Sergio Pinherio, Special Rapporteur of the UN Commission on Human Rights, there are still more than 1,300 political prisoners in Burma including 18 elected Members of Parliament.

Look at Dr Salai Tun Than. He was 72 years old in 2001 when he made a solo protest in front of the Rangoon City Hall. He was a former rector of the Agricultural University in Burma. He graduated from the University of Georgia and University of Wisconsin in the 1950s. He has had a beautiful and successful life—but he couldn’t stay away from the suffering of the people. He decided to do something about it. He dressed up in a professor's gown. He wrote his sincere demands on paper, which were to release all political prisoners and to start the political dialogue between the generals and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the democracy movement. He stood in front of City Hall and distributed pamphlets with these demands to passersby. He spoke to the audience that formed around him of his demand for less than 15 minutes before he was brought forcibly into the City Hall compound by the security. Now he sits in the notorious Insein prison serving a seven year jail term. As a Christian, he will miss celebrating this Christmas with his family and for many more years.

In August of this year, Rangoon University Law students Thet Naung Soe, 20, and Khin Maung Win, 18, followed Dr Salai Tun Than’s lead. They made their peaceful protest at the same place he did. They also were arrested within 15 minutes. Now they are in prison with 14-year and seven-year terms respectively. They all will miss this Christmas, this New Year and many more, unless the military regime releases these political prisoners as encouraged by Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Razali Ismail, the UN Special Envoy to Burma.

Since taking over the duties of the special envoy, Razali always brought the news of the possible release of the political prisoners after his periodic trips to Burma. Our expectations were high whenever he returned from Burma, but each time the regime had only released a few. Razali could claim that he has helped secure the release of more than 450 political prisoners in two years. But 300 of them were already due for release soon anyway having nearly completed their prison sentences. Only about 150 were granted early release.

After his ninth visit to Burma in Nov 2002, Razali said that he strongly urged the regime to free more than 200 political prisoners by the end of this year. During his third visit to Burma in October, Pinherio urged the regime to release all political prisoners by the end of the year. According to Pinherio’s report to the UN General Assembly in November, the military regime told Pinherio that it was not possible to release all but the releases will continue.

A few weeks ago, the military regime made a surprise announcement through their Washington, DC-based lobby firm DCI Associates, that they would release 115 "security detainees"—their euphemism for political prisoners—in one day, on Nov 22, 2002. As a Burmese who has witnessed and experienced the ways the regime cheats and lies all too often, we greeted this news with skepticism. Our suspicions were confirmed again when they only released 60 political prisoners in five days, not 115 in single day as they had promised.

We have no doubt that the release of political prisoners has been at the top of the agenda whenever Razali and Pinherio have met with the generals. We believe that both Razali and Pinherio will try their best to persuade the regime to release all political prisoners, at least as a special gesture to encourage more official visits. But it seems that by releasing a small number of political prisoners—always right before or after the official visits, the regime is convincing them to believe that Burma is moving in the right political direction. This deception is necessary for the regime to prolong their rule for at least another decade. The regime is using the political prisoners as hostages to demand ransom from the international community, and they are using Razali and Pinherio as their messengers, hoping to convince the world that they only release political prisoners like Suu Kyi because of engagement and cooperation, not because of pressure.

It is easy to see the discrepancies between what the regime says and what they really do, and it is imperative to apply strong and consistent pressure so that the regime will not continue to cheat the world again and again. International pressure—economic and political—is required now more than ever. We can’t let the regime continue their slow and insincere homegrown process as they declared. We must make political progress a reality. We must make the reunion of these unfortunate people and their loved ones happen as quickly as possible by throwing every kind of pressure we have at the regime.

As Razali and Pinherio are still playing important role in the conflict of Burma, they have to ensure that they are not being used by the regime. While they may relay the messages of the regime to the world, while they make people expectant by sharing their optimism, they have a duty to hold the regime accountable when it fails to keep its promises. The end of the year is almost here. We hope both Razali and Pinherio will try their best to secure the release of 200 political prisoners in the next few days to justify their previous optimism.

The families of Burma’s political prisoners will keep a candle lit everyday and night because their expectation for their heroes’ return will never fade away. Reunions between these democracy supporters and their loved ones will not seem too late, because this is the life that we have grown accustomed to under the military regime over four decades.

Aung Din is a former political prisoner in Burma. He was in prison between 1989 and 1993. He is currently working at the Washington, DC-based Free Burma Coalition as a Director of Policy and Strategy.


Thursday, August 22, 2002

Teaching Conflict Resolution to Dictators

Teaching Conflict Resolution to Dictators.

Recently, I was at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and attending the annual conference of the United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS). I had a great opportunity to meet with over one hundred American student representatives from over sixty universities and colleges. The USAS leadership invited the Free Burma Coalition to their conference to explain the situation in Burma. On behalf of the FBC, I joined the conference, made a presentation on the current political situation in Burma, and clearly told the American students how we want them to help us. This is a part of the duties of the FBC as well as myself. We are here to expose to the world about the suffering of the people of Burma under the most brutal military regime. We are here to urge the international community to apply pressure against the Burmese military regime to stop human rights abuses against its own people. That’s why we are here in the U.S.

Burma has been under the military dictatorship for more than 40 years since 1962. And Burma is under the current military regime for more than 14 years since 1988. Once, one of the richest countries in Asia and its 52 million people are suffering poverty, unfairness, rapes, tortures, imprisonment, forced labor, child labor, forced relocation, and all kinds of human rights abuses by the military.

14 years ago, we have initiated the nationwide mass uprising in Burma demanding democracy and human rights. Millions of people participated in peaceful demonstrations across the country. But our non-violent movement was ended in bloody massacres. The military killed thousands of innocent people on the streets. Country’s 38 prisons were filled with the people who were arrested by the military intelligence during the brutal crackdown. Thousands of people fled to the border areas and became refugees in neighboring countries. On September 18, 1988, the current military regime was created as the “ State Law and Order Restoration Council” to replace the dying dictatorship.

Two years later, the military held the multi-party general election on May 27, 1990 under the martial law. They believed that their political party “ National Unity Party”, which was formed by former military commanders, will surely win in the elections, while they were detaining democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other prominent leaders of the democratic movement. To their surprise, the National League for Democracy, which was formed by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi before she was arrested, won landslide victory with 82% of the parliamentary seats. The military quickly refused to honor the election results and arrested elected Members of Parliament and put them behind bars. People’s expectation to enjoy democracy and human rights under the elected government was destroyed again. But people never give up. The struggle continues. There is a conflict in Burma between the military and unarmed people, between the human rights abusers and the abused, between the oppressors and the oppressed. People want democracy, human rights and human dignity.

Since the people of Burma are using non-violent means to settle this conflict, the military is using violent methods to settle the conflict in their own way. The conflict resolution theory of the military regime is very simple but dangerous and costing the many innocent lives, destroying and eliminating the opponents by using their army, the military intelligence mechanism and prisons combined with unfair laws and orders. As long as we are adopting different methods of conflict resolution, we won’t be able to solve the conflict. The most important thing is that we, both sides need to accept the same conflict resolution theory to solve the problems. The very most important thing is that the military needs to accept the non-violent conflict resolution theory as we do.

When will the military accept the non-violence resolution to settle the conflict and to restore the national reconciliation? Who will urge them to settle the conflict peacefully? What kind of situation will force them to agree with the people of Burma in democracy, human rights and human dignity? I think the answers to these questions lie on the people around the world who would like to see the people of Burma free from all sufferings.

The international community has a right to reject the Burmese military regime as a legal government. They should have endorsed the legitimacy of the National League for Democracy, which has the mandate of the people to govern the country legally. They should have urged the military regime to settle the conflict non-violently. They should have applied the political and economic pressure against the military regime to come over to the dialogue table to negotiate with the opposition for the sake of the people and country. They should have cut the earning of the regime, which is helping the expansion of their military forces. They should have let the regime understand that there is no place for the dictators and dictatorships in the world.

Generally, it will be difficult to get the strong support from the people of the world for the people from the other side of the world. But, the world has changed dramatically. The Internet technology created the world as a global village. We, the Free Burma Coalition, which was formed by the Burmese students in exile and American students in 1995, take an advantage of the Internet technology to promote the awareness of human rights abuses in Burma. We are able to reach to the every part of the world using the Internet technology. We are able explain our struggle to the concerned citizens around the world and get their strong and consistent support. With the support of the grass root people, human rights activists and students, we are able to urge the international governments and the United Nations to apply the political and economic pressure against the Burmese military regime to push for the peaceful solution and national reconciliation.

We need to educate the Burmese military regime to accept the non-violent theories and methods in conflict resolution and its management for lasting peace and endured national reconciliation. That’s what we are doing now.

Aung Din
August 22, 2002.

Sunday, January 20, 2002

Mesage to Fiiends

မိတ္ေဆြမ်ားသို႔ ေမတၱာစာ

ေအာင္ဒင္
ဇန္နဝါရီ ၂ဝ၊ ၂ဝဝ၂ ညေန ၆း၅၅ နာရီ

ငါတို႔ဘာလုပ္ၾကမလဲ
?

ပင္လယ္လို ငိုညည္းေနၾကမွာလား၊
မုန္တိုင္းလို ရမ္းကား
႐ူးသြပ္မွာလား၊
ခန္႔မွန္းရခက္တ့ဲ မိုးတိမ္ေတြလို
မတည္မၿငိမ္ ေရြ႔လ်ားေနၾကမွာလား၊
မီးေတာင္လို
အခ်ိန္ေစာင့္ၿပီးမွ ေပါက္ကြဲရမွာလား
?

တခ်ိဳ႔က
အတိတ္ကို လွလွပပျပန္ေရး
ကိုယ္ရည္ေသြးတီးလံုးေတြနဲ႔ မြမ္းမံ
ျပတိုက္နံရံမွာ ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲက်န္ရစ္ခ့ဲ
….

တခ်ိဳ႔က
ပညာရွိဝတ္
႐ံုၿခံဳလႊမ္း
က်မ္း
စာေတြ၊ ႏွီးေႏွာဖလွယ္ပြဲေတြ
စကၠဴေပၚကစီမံကိန္းေတြနဲ႔
လိုက္လို႔မမီေအာင္ ခ်ီတက္သြားၾကၿပီ
…

တခ်ိဳ႔လည္း
နာက်ည္းဆဲ၊ ငို
ေႂကြးဆဲ
အလြမ္းေတြထဲမွာ ေနသားတက်
ဖန္ဆင္းခံရတ့ဲ ဘဝတခုလို
…

ငါ့စပယ္
႐ံုေလးကေတာ့
အပြင့္ေတြေဝလိုက္
အပြင့္ေတြ
ေႂကြလိုက္
အရာခပ္သိမ္းကို နားလည္ေပးလိုက္နဲ႔
မိုက္မိုက္မဲမဲ သင္းပ်ံ႔ဆဲ
… ။

မိတ္ေဆြတို႔ေရ
ေဆာင္းပီသေအာင္
ႏွင္းေတြက်လိုက္ၾကပါစို႔
… ။ ။



Saturday, September 8, 2001

Little Stream of Nyimalay

ညီမေလးရဲ႕ စမ္းေခ်ာင္းကေလး

ေအာင္ဒင္
စက္တင္ဘာ ၈၊ ၂ဝဝ၁။ ည ၁ဝးဝဝ နာရီ။


ဒီညမွာမွ
လေရာင္ဟာ ထူးထူးျခားျခား လွပေနရဲ႕။


သံတိုင္ေနာက္ကလူဟာ
လေရာင္ကို ေကာက္ယူပိုင္ဆိုင္ႏိုင္ခြင့္မရွိ
ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္လို
.မရေတာ့တဲ့ သတိရျခင္းေတြသာ
အုတ္တံတိုင္း အထပ္ထပ္ကို ထိုးေဖာက္ပ်ံသန္း
အေဝးက ေဒါနေတာင္တန္းႀကီးဆီ
ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ေနတဲ့ မိုးကုတ္စက္ဝိုင္းအဆံုးဆီ
ျပဲီးေတာ့
ညီမေလးရွိမယ့္ စမ္းေခ်ာင္းကေလးဆီ
…..

လြမ္းတယ္
ညီမေလးရယ္
…..

ဟိုး
…မိုင္ေထာင္ခ်ီ အေဝးက
အလြမ္းေတြ တသြင္သြင္စီးေနမယ့္
စမ္းေခ်ာင္းကေလးရဲ႕ နံေဘးမွာ
ငါ့ ညီမေလး
ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကို ေႏြးေထြးေပြ႕ဖက္
ေၾကကြဲရင့္က်က္ေနေရာ့မယ္။


အိပ္မက္ေတြ ဖါးလ်ားက်ေနမယ့္
မိုးမခပင္ႀကီးေအာက္မွာ
တို
‹ ျပန္ဆံုႏိုင္ၾကဦးမွာလား…။

ေတာင္ကုန္းစိမ္းစိမ္းထက္က
ငါ
တို႕ရဲ႕ ျမင့္ျမတ္ေသာအလံေတာ္
တို႕ခ်စ္တဲ့ အမိႏိုင္ငံေတာ္
ေမ့တတ္သူမ်ားရဲ႕ ဥေပကၡာ
ျပဳျခင္းပြဲေတာ္
ခ်စ္သူေတြရဲ႕ေခၚသံေတြေပ်ာက္ဆံုး
အမုန္းေတြနဲ႔ နိ
ဂုန္းခ်ဳပ္ၾကမွာလား….။

မႈိင္းမႈန္ပ်ပ်
ယမ္း
နံ႕နဲ႕အဆိပ္သင့္ညေတြက
ငါ
တို႕ကို တဘဝစီျခားထားေလရဲ႕။


ရာဇဝင္သစ္ကိုေရး
ဖို႕
ငါ
တို႕
ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့တယ္

ညီမေလးေရ၊ ဆက္ေရး
ဒါငါ
တို႕ရဲ႕ ကိုယ္တိုင္
ေရြးခ်ယ္မႈပဲ
လက္ေရးလွလွေလးေတြ
နဲ႕
ဆက္ေရး
ဖ်က္ရာစင္းေၾကာင္းေတြလည္း ရွိလိမ့္မေပါ့
ဆက္ေရး
ဘဝဆိုတာ ေပးဆပ္ျခင္းေတြခ်ည္းပဲ မဟုတ္ဘူး...

လိႈင္းနဲ႕တူတဲ့ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္ျခင္းေတြ
ငါ
တို႕ကို ရစ္သိုင္းေႏွာင္ပတ္
ျဖဴစင္သူေတြ ေခါင္းမတ္ဝင့္ထည္ရမယ့္အရပ္ဟာ
အေသအခ်ာရွိတယ္
အေသအခ်ာရွိတယ္
ယံုၾကည္ပါ ညီမေလးရယ္
….

အဲ့ဒီလို
လေရာင္ေအာက္က စမ္းေခ်ာင္းကေလးကို
က်ေနာ္လြမ္းေနမိေတာ့တယ္
…။

Friday, May 25, 2001

Great Expectations

GREAT EXPECTATIONS

(1)Introduction.

There are more than two thousands political prisoners in Burma. Students, youths, monks, women, senior citizens, politicians, members of ethnic minority groups, elected representatives…they are being detained in prisons by the Burmese military regime. What they have done is very simple. They only demand for Democracy and basic human rights peacefully and honestly. They only express their desire to have freedom of speech, freedom of press and human dignity as other people could enjoy all over the world. But this is a very serious crime in Burma and punishable with lengthy imprisonment.

I remember the saying, "Nobody is above the law." This is meaningful and precious for the countries, which are ruled by law. In the U.S.A, even an incumbent president can be impeached. In Burma, we have to change that saying into “Military regime and military intelligence are always above the law".

Like other dictators, Burmese military regime has the fear of losing their power. They always fear that people will revenge them when they lose their power.

(2)Prisons and Detention Centers.

Their solution to cover their fear is by arresting the people who challenge their unfairness and putting them into the prisons. Therefore, they always increase the capacity of intelligence mechanism to arrest their enemies and increase the number of prisons to house them for many years.

Before 1988, the Military Intelligence was one of the departments of the army and it had 14 Nos. Military Intelligence Corps with 7000 soldiers. After 1988, the Military Regime has increased their Intelligence mechanism in both size and modern technique. Now, there are more than forty military intelligence corps with forty thousands soldiers spreading all over the country even in abroad and under the direct monitoring of third most powerful person of the SPDC, Lt. General Khin Nyunt. They receive the Intelligence training from Israel and Singapore. Singapore even provided the sophisticated intelligence technology including computer center to the military regime. This is very obvious that the military regime is spending huge amount of money for their Intelligence system.

And also there are forty-five maximum-security prisons in Burma to house thousands of political prisoners and activists.

(3)Wrongfully arrest

Generally, every democratic government obeys the rule that not to arrest ten innocent people even an accused may escape. But the Burmese military regime reverses that rule by arresting many innocent people to confess a crime by force, which they never committed. Let me tell you an example.

In August 1989,there was an explosion at the Tanyin oil refinery, 25 miles away from Rangoon. The military intelligence arrested youth members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) from Tanyin Township and tortured them with various ways to force them into confessing for that explosion. When they were not able to resist the tortures, those youth finally signed on the confession paper prepared by the military intelligence. And next day, General Khin Nyunt called a press conference and announced that they have arrested persons who are responsible for the Tanyin explosion. He even showed the confession paper signed by those innocent youths to the reporters. Nyi Nyi Htun, one of those who signed on the confession paper was given the death sentence and the rest were given 20 years each.

Two months later, military intelligence arrested Ko Ko Naing, one of the KNU fighters for explosion at Rangoon Town Hall. And Ko Ko Naing admitted that he was also responsible for explosion at Tanyin oil refinery. He was also given the Death sentence. But, Nyi Nyi Htun and others who were sentenced for that explosion, which they never committed, are still in prison and have no hope to escape.

Anybody can be arrested in Burma by the military intelligence for their belief in Democracy and Human Rights or being a member of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU) or National League for Democracy (NLD). These arrests can happen in broad daylight. Our student leader Min Ko Naing was arrested in daytime in front of many people. He was handcuffed behind his back. He was blindfolded with a dirty hood. He was dragged to the military intelligence’s truck in front of many people. But nobody dared to save him. Some people might think that he could be a criminal who had committed a robbery or a murder.

Usually, these arrests happen at mid night. A group of soldiers will surround the target house. A group of plain cloth officers and local authorities will knock on the door and ask all family members to queue in front of them. They will search the whole house and confiscate what ever they want. Then they will pick their target person and bring with them without telling where and why. Official search warrant or arrest warrant are not necessary for them. Sometimes, they even arrest the wives and parents of suspects when they cannot find the suspects. Under such conditions, a political activist is forced to turn himself in and can’t run away for fear of reprisals against his wife, his parents or his siblings. Even newborn babies or infants are taken into custody while their parents are being interrogated.

(4) Tortures in custody

The military intelligence uses both physical and psychological tortures. First, they handcuff the suspect behind his or her back. And they blindfold him with a dirty hood. This is to break down the confidence and morale of the detainee. During the interrogation, the detainees are treated like animal. They have no alternative but to confess what they know and even what they don’t know. Those detainees are not allowed to sleep for four to seven days. They are not fed for at least five days. They are not given any water for at least four days. During that period, the detainees will receive brutal kicking, hitting, beating, slapping, electrocuting and shouting from groups of interrogators. He will become a sand bag. He will be rolled on the floor as a ball. He may become a disabled person. And he may even die.

There are many people who died in detention center of the military intelligence during interrogation. In 1990, U Maung Ko, who was a former trade union leader and central committee member of the NLD died in a detention center. Last year, Ko Hla Khin from NLD died during interrogation. And there are many more. The brutal tortures conducted by the military intelligence caused their death. But the military regime said that they committed suicide.

(5) The functions of the Military Intelligence

The main function of the military intelligence is to get the confession from the suspect. Actually, they have already fabricated the story, which they want the suspect to confess. If they want to create a story about foreign interference, the suspect will become the agent of CIA. If they want to announce a story about leftist conspiracy, the suspect will become a member of communist party. When they want to establish the danger of the insurgent groups, the suspect will become the ethnic terrorist. And they apply various kinds of physical and psychological tortures on the suspect and forced him to confess according to the story they have prepared. Once they get the confession from the suspect, they will call a press conference and announce proudly of their victory over the destructionists.

Another function of military intelligence is to send the suspect before the military court or summary court for sentencing. In fact, the trial is nothing more than reading out of the charges against the suspect by an intelligence officer. Min Ko Naing was sent before a military court which was held inside the Insein prison and chaired by a Colonel on December 17,1991 after thirty-three months of detention without trial. An intelligence officer read the charges against him. All the charges were completely fabricated to which he had never committed. After the charges were read out, the court was adjourned for ten minutes. When it resumed, the judge read out the sentence of fifteen years imprisonment with hard labor that was already prepared by the military intelligence. All the judges have no power to decide his destiny. Their duty is to listen to the charges read by an intelligence officer and to read the verdict given to them by the military intelligence. Min Ko Naing’s trial only lasted twenty-five minutes and he was not allowed to have any legal representatives. It was a typical trial as other thousands of political prisoners had faced and are still facing.

(6) Tortures In Prisons

The meaning of imprisonment should be limited to withdrawal of freedom of a person and not to withdraw the basic Human Rights. The status of a human being must be maintained. But, in the prisons of Burma, human being status is removed by the military regime. They are treating all political prisoners as animals and the spirit of human being are being humiliated day after day.

On the first few days at the prison, every prisoner had to learn four standard positions from the jailors and their assistance, senior prisoners.

Position (1) is for head count and inspection by prison officials. This is sitting position with cross-legged, arm straight out, holding the body vertical and face down.

Position (2) is called emergency position. This is squatting position with arm straight on knees and face down.

Position (3) is for walking and standing in front of prison officials. This is standing position with hands cross over the groin and face down.

Position (4) is punishment position. This is to stand on tiptoe with knees bent 45 degrees, and hand clasped behind the head and face down.

There are no positions for prisoners to face up. Prisoners are not allowed to face up in those positions at any time. It is a serious crime if a prisoner put his face upward and he will be punished severely. These positions are especially designed to break down the morale and confidence of prisoners. These are designed to strip off the spirit of human beings. These are purposely designed to degrade the status of human beings.

I spent one year and seven months in Insein prison before I was transferred to Thayet prison. Insein prison is the biggest prison in Burma and it can house about ten thousand prisoners including hundreds of political prisoners. Most of the political prisoners are put in the cellblock. In the cellblock, up to five prisoners are shared a tiny cells, eight foot by twelve foot. They have to sleep on the concrete floors with a bamboo mat. The cell is constructed with four concrete walls and ceiling is too high. There is one Iron Gate at front and a small window covered with wire mesh is at the high level of the back wall. And there are only two small chamber pots for excrement.

When we are in the cellblock, there were many rules to follow. We had to get up at six a.m and sit in position (1) about two hours for their roll call. We had to sit in position (1) again at five p.m about two hours for head-count. We only have fifteen minutes per day to go out from the cell to throw our excrement and for bathing. And at nine p.m, we must lie down on our place and nobody is allowed to sit or stand or walk in the cell. We were not allowed to talk to other political prisoners from the adjacent cells. We couldn’t even say a courtesy word, hello or Good morning or Good night.

For all political prisoners, it is very difficult to avoid punishment in prison. Firstly, we could not always obey those dirty regulations. Secondly, there are many rules that cannot be remembered all the time. Thirdly, prison authorities are always trying to find the mistake of the political prisoners purposely. Therefore, almost all political prisoners have to go through the experiences of punishment in jail. Let me tell you some punishments in the jail.

The general punishment is withdrawal of the right of family visits from one month to three months. For all political prisoners, bi-weekly family visits are the only hope to continue their survival. Family visits are only fifteen minutes in two weeks. And two iron grills with a space of about one foot between them separate the prisoners and visitors. And all family members are warned by the prison authorities not to talk about political news before they are allowed to meet their family members. But this is the only hope for the prisoners under the brutal tortures and feelings of depression. At least we could see the face of our beloved ones, and listen to the news about our relatives and friends. They bring some food and medicine for us. These family visits are very precious for us and we always look forward to them every two weeks.

When we are not allowed to meet our family as a punishment, we all have to suffer.

And, another kind of punishment is brutal torture and solitary confinement. We all had to face this punishment frequently in prison. In 1990, forty student prisoners from hall No. 4 at Insein prison requested to the prison authorities to reduce the hard work they were assigned to do. They were average of twenty years old and those hard works were extremely heavy for them. But the prison authorities assumed this request as a violation of the prison rule and decided to punish them with solitary confinement.

Those students were taken into tiny cells and four persons were put in each cell. They were not allowed to bathe. They were not allowed to have family visits. Furthermore, the jailers opened each cell in turn and began to beat them with wooden sticks and leather-coated pipes brutally. They were tortured everyday for one month.

Sometimes, political prisoners were punished because of failing to maintain their standard position. I remembered my friends, Ko Pyeit and Hla Htay, and myself; we were forced to crawl on sharp pointed stones after being accused of failing to maintain the standard position. We had to crawl about 500 yards until we reach the cell we were to be confined. While crawling, we were beaten with sticks by jailors continuously. Zaw Win Htut, an 18 year-old tenth-grade student, received this type of punishment because he dropped a cup while drinking. One of the senior monks, Abbot Meggin, seventy-five years old, was put into solitary confinement because he had taught English to some student prisoners.

Before we were sent to solitary confinement, we were shackled on our legs. One and half foot long iron rod is placed horizontally between our shackled legs. Total weight of shackles and iron rod is about (30) lbs. There are no blankets, no mats. We had to sleep on bare concrete floors and had no chance to wash. Every day, we were taken out of the cells, forced to stand in standard position No. (4) and beaten. The period of solitary confinement usually lasts for at least one month, and may last up to three months. There is no mercy in the prisons especially for political prisoners.

(7) Purposely sending away and separating the immediate family members

Now, a clear case is Min Ko Naing. Min Ko Naing’s family stays in Rangoon, Capital of Burma. Min Ko Naing was transferred to Sittwe prison, located in western part of Burma, 700 miles away from his home. His family could only visit him once every four months. This is an obvious attempt to break down the strong spirit of Min Ko Naing like all political prisoners. This is a revenge of the military regime to the people who are demanding the Democracy and Human Rights. And this is a price we are paying for Democracy and Human Rights.

(8) Health situation of some political prisoners

We have passed twelve years with great losses and expectations. Please don’t forget thousands of innocent people are still being detained in the prisons as hostages. For the young students and youth like Min Ko Naing, their young and active lifes are already destroyed in prisons. And we are not sure whether they can come out from the prisons with healthy condition. They may become insane. They may become disable person. They may even die in prisons in next few years. They may disappear from the world without saying goodbye to any one.

But they have trust in us. Their only expectation is their comrades outside the prison. They believe that their comrades are still fighting for Democracy and still trying too hard to save them from their living hell. Everyday, their dream is to meet with their comrades outside the prisons happily and freely and fearlessly.

Let us make their dream come true.

Aung Din
May 25,2001.

Thursday, January 25, 2001

Min Ko Naing


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