Burma's Challenge 2006
US Campaign for Burma Annual Conference
April 29-30, American University, Washington, DC
Burma: The Threat to the Peace
Presented by Aung Din, Policy Director, US Campaign for Burma
Slide 1 and 2; Introduction
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Good morning. Thank you very much for gathering here today.
If we count from August 8, 1988, nationwide popular uprising, calling for democracy, human rights and an end of single party rule, Burma's democracy movement is now entering into 18th year of its struggle. In these years, many other countries from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia became free countries and now enjoying freedom they deserve. We also expect people of Burma will be free soon from the brutal dictatorship with people power movement combined with maximum international support.
I can assure you that in these years, not a day goes by that people of Burma aren't trying to challenge the regime with various capacities. Courageous Burmese activists are willing to risk torture and death rather than renounce their beliefs or give up their non-violent struggle. They need our help.
For our part, we have to build maximum international pressure to strengthen the democracy movement inside Burma and to weaken the regime and its grip on power. Maximum international pressure means immediate intervention of the UN Security Council, which is one and only international body that can make binding resolution.
Today Burma can be described as a country of South East Asia, being ruled by the world most brutal dictatorship, which use all forms of abuses, including arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killing, forced relocation, forced labor, use of rape as weapon of war and purposely destruction of villages to oppress the population for its control of power. Burma is also a major producer and trafficker of heroine and illicit drugs. Burma's dictator General Than Shwe is second worst dictator in the world, just after Kim Jong IL of North Korea. Burma army has forcibly recruited over 70 thousands child soldiers, the most number of child soldiers in the world. Burma's regime incarcerated over 1,100 political dissidents, including the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize Recipient Aung San Suu Kyi and over a dozen Members of Parliament. According to a report produced by Council on Foreign Relations, Burma is the source of unique HIV strain and spreading it to neighboring countries, China, India and South East Asia, through its drug trafficking route. Berlin-based Transparency International in October ranked Burma as the world's third most corrupt country, sharing the same rank with Haiti and Turkmenistan and just above Bangladesh and Chad, out of 159 countries. Over 500,000 people are hiding in the mountains and forests in the Eastern part of Burma, as the internal displaced persons (IDPs) to avoid the killing of the regime's soldiers, while over two millions people of Burma are living in neighboring countries as the refugees or illegal immigrants. Recently, Foreign Policy magazine ranks Burma in its annual failed states index as 18th state of failure in critical category.
Among the problems in Burma, which are not contained in its own border, but spilling into the region and threatening to the peace and security of the region, I am going to present some situation, which will include the regime's brutal attack and oppression on democracy activists, the regime's attacks against the villages in ethnic areas and Internally Displaced Persons and the regime's misuse of state budget for their fantasies.
Slide 3, Aung Hlaing Win
This is Aung Hlaing Win, a 30-years old member of NLD.
Aung Hlaing Win was dragged from a restaurant in the capitol city of Rangoon on May 1st by four plain-clothes intelligence officers. Ten days later, his family was informed by Lieutenant Colonel Min Hlaing, the commander of Military Intelligence Unit No.1, that Aung Hlaing Win had died in custody after suffering a heart attack and that his body had already been cremated. The Lt. Col. offered Aung Hlaing Win's family $100 to pay for a memorial service, but the family refused the money.
Since Aung Hlaing Win had no previous health problems, his family filed a case at a local township court. In an extremely rare move that activists believe was an accident, the township judge permitted a doctor who had viewed Aung Hlaing Win's body to testify in a pre-trial hearing that his death was the result of an extensive and severe injuries inflicted upon his body. However, court officials, who serve only to do the bidding of the ruling military junta, called the death "natural" and dismissed the case.
Slide 4, Thet Naing Oo
This is Thet Naing Oo, a student activist and a former political prisoner. Photo at left is before he died and photo at right is after he died.
He was beaten to death on March 18th by the Rangoon Fire Brigade and municipal police officers. In an incident that should have been dealt with within the confines of the law, Thet Naing Oo was arrested and then beaten to death by government officers while he was handcuffed and held face-down in the street. Then he was placed on a bicycle taxi and beaten to death. This came just two years after he was released from prison after serving 10 years behind bars for speaking out for human rights and democracy.
Pictures of his skull received by us show lacerations across his whole skull and broken bones. Instead, the military junta has arrested two witnesses to the murder who are friends of Thet Naing Oo's. While the real perpetrators kick back and relax, these innocents are being charged with assault! They are in great danger themselves of being tortured and possibly killed.
Slide 5 and 6, Map of prisons in Burma and facts about political prisoners
These are just some examples of extra-judicial killing and arbitrary detention in Burma where democracy activists and human rights defender face daily. According to a former political prisoner who fled Burma and recently arrived on the Thai-Burma Border, current military junta leader Than Shwe and his cronies are shifting their tactics - rather than adding to the ranks of the country’s over 1,100 political prisoners or risking the continuing activities of its vocal opponents as exiles beyond the country’s borders, Burma’s military rulers simply want their opponents dead. And their preferred method of achieving this end has become military-incited and –backed mob violence.
According to sources inside Burma and the testimonies of recently escaped former political prisoners, prominent opponents to the rights-abusing and authoritarian military regime are beginning to sincerely fear for their lives. The first time the Burmese and the international community looked on in horror as democracy activists were attacked by plainclothes attackers, armed and trained by the military regime, was May 30, 2003, when the leader of the democracy movement and Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s motorcade was attacked and scores of non-violent supporters were brutally beaten to death. Aung San Suu Kyi and U Tin Oo, leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD), have been detained and held under house arrest since then. Since Thet Naing Oo’s death, prominent democracy activists still inside Burma have noticed an increase in the presences of uniformed policemen and military intelligence officers following them and watching their neighborhoods. Several have even been assaulted and have experienced hostile confrontations with plainclothes intelligence officers and thugs in league with the military.
According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoner (Burma), at least 127 democracy activists have died in prisons and interrogation centers or been disappeared since 1988. At least 9 activists died in prison because of torture, malnutrition and inadequate medical care in 2005 and early 2006 alone.
Numbers of Prison in Burma: 39
Numbers of Prison Labor Camp in Burma: At Least 32
Numbers of Military Intelligence Interrogation Centers: At Least 40
Numbers of Political Prisoners: At Least 1,156 including Aung San Suu Kyi, U Tin Oo, U Hkun Tun Oo and 12 Members of Parliament Elect
Numbers of Political Prisoners Died in Prisons: At Least 90
Numbers of Political Prisoners Died in Interrogation Centers: At Least 8
Numbers of Political Prisoners Died Shortly After Their Release: At Least 10
Numbers of Political Prisoners Disappeared from Prisons: At Least 15
Numbers of Political Prisoners Died in Prison Labor Camps: At Least 4
Numbers of Political Prisoners Died in 2005 and 2006: At Least 9
Slide 7 and 8: Internally Displaced Persons
Let me tell you about IDPs, Internally Displaced Persons in Burma.
Generally, if you receive an envelope enclosed with a bullet; you will know that someone is threatening your life. And then you will go to police or law enforcement officials to make a complaint or you will find some way to protect yourself.
But, there will be different stories for the villagers who live in the Eastern and Southern part of Burma. When they receive the written relocation order, enclosed with a bullet in an envelope, from the local military commander, they know what will happen if they refuse to leave from the land where they live for generations. And they also know that they have no place to complain because the senders are the military authorities who run the country by guns and threats.
The military regime makes force relocations and attacks for two reasons. The regime thinks that these villages are the source of recruitment for the ethnic revolutionary forces. By moving these villages away from the original location, the regime tries to cut the supplies of food, new recruitment, funding and information for ethnic armed forces. Second reason is to pave the way for profitable projects, such as gas pipeline construction.
There will be two options for the villagers. If they move to the regime’s controlled relocation sites, they will become the subjects of the military to work without compensation, modern form of slavery, as described by the ILO. If they choose to run away, they will become the internally displace persons (IDPs), moving and hiding in the deep forest as the living targets of the regime’s soldiers.
The catalogue of human rights abuses includes the shelling of civilians, using villagers as forced labor and forcing civilians to be IDPs. Since 1996 more than 2,800 villages in eastern Burma have been destroyed and more than one million people displaced. They have either been sent to relocation camps where conditions are little better than death camps, or forced to hide in the jungle and scavenge for their existence, or have fled to camps on the Thai-Burma border. Many IDPs including children had just died from malaria. They lack the basic necessities of food and medicine. Conditions at night are harsh, with fugitives unable to light fires for fear of the smoke being seen by soldiers. Discovery would mean probable torture and death.
This slide (Slide 7) is produced by Thailand-Burma Border Consortium to show that militarisation in Eastern Burma between 1995 and 2005. You see, in ten years, military camps in Eastern part of Burma, which include Southern Shan State, Karenni State, Karen State, Mon State and Tensaserim Division, are increased dramatically from 106 battalions in 1995 to 308 battalions in 2005.
And this slide (Slide 8) shows the numbers of IDPs and area of their hiding in Eastern part of Burma in 2005. Numbers if IDPs hiding in free-fire zones are 92,000, IDPs in relocation sites are 108,000, IDPs in cease-fire areas are 340,000 and total numbers of IDPs become at least 540,000.
Slide 9 and 10; Regime's Move to Pyinmana
As you are aware, the Burmese military regime has moved its administration headquarters to Kyetpye, nearby Pyinmana, 200 miles North of Rangoon, beginning from November 6, 2005. Thousands of government staffs were given two-days notice for relocation and for packing their stuffs and office materials and no one is allowed to resign or retire. Witnesses saw the initial convoy departed from Rangoon at precisely 6:37 A.M on Nov 6, 2005. As the trucks pulled away from the ministries, army officers led a ritual chant of "We're leaving! We're leaving!" And on Nov 11, 2006, at 11:00 AM (11:00 AM on 11.11.2006) there was an opening ceremony of 11 Ministries in Naypyidaw, new name of Kyetpye. "Kyetpye" means "Chicken Run" and "Naypyidaw" means "Royal City" or "City of the King".
Most observers and even some government officials believe that it was solely the brainchild of Gen. Than Shwe. Some have speculated that government fears of a U.S. invasion are to blame for the move, or perhaps civil unrest or even the prophesies of a soothsayer. But, we strongly believe that actual reason of moving is to control the ethnic nationality areas. I will prove it later. The regime information minister said that shifting the capital to the center of the country was designed to help develop ethnic nationality areas. Foreigners, including staff members from foreign Embassies and journalists, are not allowed to visit Pyinmana until now. Two Burmese journalists, U Thaung Sein and Ko Moe Htun, were arrested on March 23, for taking pictures around Pyinmana and sentenced there imprisonment with hard labor.
The regime started the construction work in Kyetpye since December 2003. Until May 2005, at least 13,000 local residents were relocated to other areas and their lands and firms were forcibly confiscated. In early 2006, another 5,000 were forcibly relocated and totally 50 villages between Tat Kong and Pyinmana and Yamethin are ordered to move. The military placed a lot of landmines around Kyetpye to secure the area and in January 2006 alone, two villagers died and five injured. Criminal prisoners from Insein prison are sent to Pyinmana to work in construction projects. Over 150 Big and median size construction companies are working to build this new City and many of them are belonged to former drug lords Khun Sa and Lao Sit Han as well as Than Shwe's favorite businessman Teza. Although the regime does not disclose the cost of building this new capital, which include government ministries, military leaders' headquarters, offices, houses, five stars hotels, airport, schools, hospitals, golf course and many recreation and entertainment centers, we are sure that it will cost some much from the state budget, let alone the losses of local residents, whose lands were forcibly confiscated, whose lives were severely destructed and who were forcibly relocated. The regime spent US$ 160 millions to build an international airport in Pyinmana and US $ 12.00 millions for building a concrete ground for military parade.
Slide 11, 12 and 13: Burmese Army Attacks in Eastern Burma
Since November 2005, the regime began severe offensive in Karen State, Pegu Division and Karenni State, nearby new city Pyinmana, to increase security and safety of the military leaders and their newly established command centers.
On November 29, 2005, Burmese army attacked and burned down Ter Kweh Lay village in Mone Township in Nyaunglebin District. 15 houses were destroyed and over 80 people were displaced and in hiding.
On December 16, 2005, Burmese army sent four battalions to attack villages near Mawchi-Taungoo road in Taungoo District. 28 villages were destroyed and over five hundred people were displaced. The Burmese army also placed landmines around the villages to force the villagers not to return and build their villages.
On December 17, 2005, Pah Poe village was attacked and 255 people went to hiding.
On December 23, 2005, troops from Light Infantry Battalions (421), (426), (428) and (424) attacked Karen villages in Southern Karen State. They burned down 26 houses in Gee Gaw Ber village, and forced 610 villagers into hiding. 341 villagers from nearby village of Toe Ka Htoo also went into hiding to avoid the attack. They are hiding at the mountain height of between 3,500- 6,500 foot.
In January and February 2006, the regime's attack continued in Mone Township and Ler Don (aka Kyauk Gyi) Township in Karen State and forced more than 2,200 villagers from their home.
On March 9, 2006, three Burmese army battalions, LIB 366, LIB 368 and LIB 364 launched joint attacks on Klaw Lee, Saw Ka Der and Maw La Kee villages in Mone Township, burned down all houses, stole food and savings and forced villagers to flee.
Slide 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 and 22: Photos taken from IDP's hiding areas
Slide 23 and 24; The Reasons of Attack
Burmese military's attacks in Nyaunlaybin District, Shew Gyin District and Toungoo Disrtict in Karen, Karenni States and Pegu Division, started in late November 2005, intensified in February and March and keep building up in April. As of April 16, 2006, over 60 villages were destroyed and over 11,000 people became IDPs and are now in hiding in jungle and mountains without food, medicine and shelters. About 1,000 IDPs have arrived at Mae Ra Moo refugee camp, opposite of the Salween River, in Mae Hong Son Province in Thailand. Nearly 400 more are living in make-shift shelters across the river from Mae Ra Moo camp awaiting permission to enter the refugee camp.
These brutal and cruel attacks of Burmese military against civilians and villages in Eastern Burma, beginning from November and still going on, to secure its new capital, have created the worst internal displacement crisis in Asia and this is the world's most serious humanitarian disasters.
Ladies and Gentlemen and Friends of Burma,
When people around the world, including celebrities, policy makers and activists, are rigorously campaigning today to stop violence in Darfur, Sudan, the tragedies of the people of Burma and brutality of Burmese military regime are largely unnoticed and unaddressed.
Let's work together to stop violence in Burma.
Let's work together to stop killing in Burma.
Let's work together to urge policy makers and the world leaders to pay attention to the situation in Burma and respond effectively and timely, before too late.
And let's work together to urge the UN Security Council to act in Burma without further delay.
Thank you,
Aung Din
