NED Democracy Award Acceptance Speech, September 20, 2012

 Acceptance Speech for NED’s Democracy Award

Ladies and Gentlemen, Distinguished Guests, Senators and Representatives, and my fellow Burmese activists in exile,

It is a great honor for me to accept the Democracy Award on behalf of the Burma’s Democracy Movement. I thank to National Endowment for Democracy for this award and its consistent and effective support for the movement for many, many years. I especially thank to Carl Gershman, Barbara Haig, Brian Joseph, John Knaus, Aung Maw Zin, David Angeles and NED staff members for recognizing the small role I have play in support of the Burma’s democracy movement from away.

I am also very grateful to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for being here with us. Last time I saw her in Burma was 23 years ago in April 1989, after the Water Festival and few days before I was arrested. After she was released from house arrest in November 2010, I got a chance to speak to her on the phone. During the conversation, she said “Aung Din, you have to lose your weight.” Since then, I have tried to go to gym at least three times a week. It is a great pleasure for me to see you again, Aunty. I thank you very much for your strong and effective leadership for the peoples of Burma.

I also thank to my USCB team, Jennifer Quigley, Myra Daghapaw, Brianna Oliver and USCB board members Larry, Simon, Sam, Gordon, U Tin Maung Thaw, and Nickie, who all are here. Without them, without their support, I will not be in this room today.

While we are celebrating here today, there are about 100,000 refugees in Kachin State, northern part of Burma, in makeshift camps, struggling hard to survive under heavy rain, severe weather and infectious diseases, due to the fighting between the Burmese military and Kahin Independence Organization, after the 17 years old ceasefire agreement was broken in June last year. In the country’s west, over 70,000 refugees from Buddhist community and Muslim community have lost their homes, their villages, their neighborhoods, their properties, their families and friends, their hopes and their future, after the brutal and tragic communal conflict. In the country’s East, nearly a half million ethnic peoples are still hiding in jungles and mountains without knowing when they can have a permanent place to live and survive without fear. On the Thai-Burma border, about 150,000 refugees are under the pressure from Thai authorities to return Burma where they don’t feel safe yet. And on the mainland, several hundreds of political prisoners are still remain in prisons. Workers are trying hard to have increased their minimum wages and farmers are trying hard to take back their lands confiscated by the military and crony capitalists.

Our struggle for democracy, human rights, rule of law and equality among all ethnic nationalities are far from over. We will move forward and expend the opening wider and bigger under the great leadership of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by peaceful means. We still need support from the outside world, especially from our true and best friend, United States of America. Please continue to lend your support for us in making of our country truly democratic, peaceful and prosperous.

God bless America and God bless Burma.

Thank You.

Aung Din
September 20, 2012

Remark at USCB National Organizing Meeting

Opening Remark by Aung Din at the USCB National Organizing Meeting, April 2, 2011

Good morning Ladies and Gentlemen,

I thank you very much for gathering here today. I know some of you came from very far away. Instead of enjoying this precious weekend with your families and loved ones, you joined here with us to discuss how to increase our effort to help the people of Burma in their long journey to democracy. I appreciate your commitment on Burma’s democracy movement and solidarity with the people of Burma. As you just heard, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi greatly appreciates importance of the actions of people like you and recognizes the work of grassroots activists is vital.

We have been in this struggle for democracy more than 22 years, since 1988. For those who challenged the dictatorship since 1962 when the military took over the power, they have been in this struggle for nearly five decades. The flag of the revolution has been passed from one generation to another. My father was not able to see the democratic change in his country before he passed away two years ago. However, I believe I will be able to see the change in my country in my lifetime and my next generation will surely have a better life and a better country.

Some people argue that there are changes in Burma today. That is true, but these changes are not the one we want and we are fighting for. Burma is now ruled by two sets of boots, the military run by currently serving generals and its proxy party, Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), run by retired generals. And they are supported by a bunch of crony businesspersons who are allowed to control, manipulate and exploit the country’s entire business sector and natural resources. The discipline-flourishing democracy, as the regime called it, in Burma is actually a new form of tyranny, with a triangle of thugs, active-duty generals, retired generals, and crony businesspersons, ruling the country without respecting the rights and will of the people.

However, we are seeing the cracks within the military and between the military and the USDP. In-fighting between them are obviously growing and they all are competing aggressively to secure key positions in the new government and lucrative business opportunities. Former high ranking generals, who were forced to retire to take positions in the USDP, are now less powerful than before, and some of them have no power at all as they don’t have any place in new governing system. Than Shwe is getting old and is unable to control and satisfy all of his subordinates. As he put his loyalists Thein Sein and General Min Aung Hlaing in the President and the Commander-in-Chief positions respectively, he plans to continue to hold the power behind the scene. However, Burma is not China. As history proved again and again, pulling the strings from the back stage will not be working. Now is the beginning of the end-of- Than Shwe era.

The regime claimed that the National League for Democracy is not a legal party anymore. However, the NLD is stronger and well-organized than before since the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who has launched a campaign to organize a nationwide popular network for democracy, social and humanitarian assistance. This network is now up and running and gaining great momentum. She continues to enjoy huge support from the people of Burma and is more recognized by the international community. Since her release, she has been communicating directly with Presidents, Prime Ministers, Foreign Ministers, Ambassadors, and MPs from many countries.

The NLD still holds the dialogue as a means to achieve national reconciliation and democratization in Burma. The NLD understands that dialogue will not be realized without putting sufficient pressure on the regime by the people of Burma and the international community. Therefore, NLD supports the existing sanctions imposed on the regime by the United States, EU, Switzerland, Canada and Australia. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is trying to build a strong democracy force which can stand parallel with the ruling regime, but is more respected and relied by the people of Burma. We believe that the people of Burma will rise up again, as in the Middle East and North Africa; to challenge the dictatorship and the NLD will be ready to lead the uprising when the time is right.

Since 2009, we have launched an international campaign, calling for the United Nations to set up a Commission of Inquiry to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma. We believe that the Commission of Inquiry will serve two purposes. One, it will become a preventive mechanism to stop further killing in Burma. The regime has created a constitution in 2008, in which generals and their followers are fully protected for the abuses they have committed and they are committing. The Commission of Inquiry will make them to realize that although they are protected by domestic legal system, they are still accountable under the international legal system. This will make them to think twice before they commit more abuses. And two, the COI will also serve as a pressure mechanism to force the regime to start a meaningful political dialogue with Burma’s democracy movement for peaceful and sustainable solution.

Over the past two years, we have achieved many significant victories in this front. Current UN Special Rapporteur Mr. Tomas Quintana became the first senior UN official to support the COI. He even made recommendation to the UN Human Rights Council to set up a COI in March 2010. He reiterated this call in the General Assembly in September 2010, and again in the Human Rights Council in March 2011. His call is supported by two former Special Rapporteurs, Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro of Brazil and Professor Yozo Yokota of Japan, Nobel Peace Laureates, such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and Jody Williams, and Members of the U.S. Congress. Today, 16 nations, including the United States, expressed their support for the establishment of COI in Burma. We are hoping that we will have more support in the upcoming Sessions of the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council and we will achieve the victory soon.

Since its inception, USCB has been working hard to make the voices of the Burma’s democracy movement heard by the international community loud and clear. We have organized successful grassroots campaigns to convince U.S. Congress to support Burma’s democracy movement more and more and pressure on the Burma’s military regime stronger and harder. We have worked with successive U.S. Administrations to put Burma at the significant level of foreign policy priority, set the right policy on Burma, and implement it effectively. We have educated the people of the United States and international media to pay close attention on Burma. We have also worked together with our allies in many other countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe to organize collective and effective intervention by the United Nations. We achieved a lot of successes and we know that we can’t have them without you. We also face a lot of challenges and we know that we will be able to overcome these obstacles because you all are with us. I truly appreciate the freedom loving people in this room, in this country, USCB members and supporters all over the United States. The people of Burma owe you a lot.

Thank you.

Burma: Addressing the Challenge Ahead

Burma: Addressing the Challenges Ahead

U.S. Capitol Hill– Senate Room 6 (SC-6)

Friday, May 15^th 9am – 12:30pm

Panel #2: Rule of Law and Policy Options

Aung Din, Executive Director, U.S. Campaign for Burma
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Ladies and Gentlemen, Distinguished Guest,

You have heard about child soldier recruitment, forced labor practice and forced relocation, plight of refugees and IDPs, destruction of villages in Eastern Burma from the previous panelists and speakers before me. Now, I would like to touch some other important issues.

# First, I would like to bring your attention to the situation and position of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, led by detained Nobel Peace Prize Recipient Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. As you are aware, NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 election, but its election results was denied by the junta. Since then, NLD has been calling for the junta to convene the Parliament meeting and establish a meaningful dialogue between the military, NLD and ethnic representatives for sustainable national reconciliation. NLD has tried many ways and many times to engage with the junta. However, the military junta has always blocked meaningful participation of the NLD in its constitution writing process and an entire road map. Instead, the military junta has been consistently trying to eliminate the NLD from the political landscape. Despite severe harassment, arrest and attack by the junta, the NLD is still standing strongly and still the leading force of Burma’s nonviolent democracy movement.

The NLD held a special meeting at its Headquarter in Rangoon on April 28-29, 2009. All Centeral Executive Committee Members, except Vice Chairman U Tin Oo and General Secretary Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who are under house arrest, met with party leaders from all States and Divisions and Members of Parliament-elect and discussed current situation in Burma and the role of the NLD for two days. At the end of the meeting, NLD leadership was able to produce an important document, called the “Shwegondaing Declaration”, named referred to the Shwegongdaing Street, where the party Headquarters is situated. With this declaration, the NLD has claimed that it will consider to participating in the election, schedule in 2010, if the following three conditions are met.

(1) All political prisoners, including the leaders of the NLD, are unconditionally released.
(2) The provisions of the 2008 constitution which are not in accord with democratic principles are amended.

(3) All inclusive free and fair elections are held under international supervision.

All of us, all political forces inside and outside Burma have supported the NLD’s declaration and strongly believe that these conditions are the best solution to put our country on the path of real national reconciliation and democratization. We also know that the junta will not come voluntarily to meet these conditions without strong and collective pressure from the international community.

# Here, I would like to touch the constitution as the second issue. All of you will agree that all political prisoners should be released, and the election should be held under the international supervision. But, you may not understand why the NLD demands that the constitution should be revised. Many of you know that the constitution reserves 25% seats in the Parliament for the military personals, to be appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. And many think that this is acceptable under current situation. Actually, there are so many provisions that are not acceptable by Burma’s democracy forces. Let me clarify more.

This constitution grants the supreme power to the military’s Commander-in-Chief. He is granted power to administer the military affairs freely, including budget, recruitment, procurement, appointment and promotion, troop positioning, etc. He will appoint 25% of the seats in National Parliament and all lower level Parliaments at States and Regions. He will appoint three ministers, for Defense, Home Affairs and Border Affairs, in the Central Government and lower level administrations at States and Regions, Districts and Self-Administered Division and Zones. He can even appoint more military officials if he is requested. He is the Chief of all armed forces in Burma and can simply declare a “state of emergency” if there is an attempt to amend the constitution, and seize control of all powers. He has no term limits, no age limit for retirement, and will be selected by the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), in which 7 out of 11 members are himself and his appointees. Military personals who are accused of committing crimes will be tried by the military courts, not by the state judiciary system.

The Parliament will be convened once a year, and it does not have power to debate the military affairs. Military affairs and budget will be discussed by appointed military officials in the Parliament and the Parliament has to adopt the legislation regarding military affairs, submitted by the appointed military officials. The Parliament also does not have power to reject the nominees of the Presidents to serve in his Cabinet, various Departments and Courts as well as budget. Actually, the Parliament is just a rubber stamp of the President and the Commander-in-Chief.

The President will have certain degree of power, but he can only be elected with the favor of the Commander-in-Chief. 440 members of the Lower House and 224 Members of the Upper House will combine to become an Electoral College and it will be divided to three groups, (1) 330 elected members of the Lower House, (2) 168 elected members of the Upper House, and (3) 166 appointed military members from both Houses. All groups submit a candidate each and three candidates will be voted by the whole Electoral College. As the constitution describes the well acquaintance of military affairs as one of the qualifications of the President and the military has a chance to nominate a military official as its candidate, the President elected by the Electoral College will surely be a former or current military official. As the Commander-in-Chief controls 166 votes in the Electoral College, no one can be elected without his blessing.

Clearly, the future Burma after the 2010 election will be a state controlled by a small state within. There will be two power centers, the President, who will run the show, and the Commander-in-Chief, who will pull the string behind the scene. The military itself is a small, but powerful state within the state, which controls everything and stands above the law. All the people of Burma, including ethnic nationalities will become the subjects of the military. Amending the constitution is almost impossible as it requires OVER 75% of vote in the Parliament.

As you are aware, there are eight major ethnic nationalities, and dozens of races in Burma. All of them had their own territory, culture, language, history, and significant number of population. They all want to stay in the country, but they want the country to be built as a Federal Republic with equality among all ethnic nationalities. Some took up arms and have been fighting in civil wars for many decades to claim for equality, autonomy, and ethnic rights. This constitution makes these ethnic nationalities subordinates of the Burman majority. The constitution grants the President the power to appoint the Prime Ministers of the states, and their cabinet members. Military officials, appointed by the Commander-in-Chief, will be sitting unelected in the State Parliaments, and hold the key positions of Security and Border Affairs in the State Cabinets. The President has power to appoint judges to run the judiciary system in the States. The ethnic nationalities have no power to choose their leaders, their judiciary system will be run by the Judges, appointed by the President, and their State Parliaments will be controlled by military officials. The Burmese military will continue to control their regions and administer their daily lives.

# That leads to a dangerous situation now. Since 1989, more than a dozen ethnic armed groups have entered into a ceasefire agreement with the junta, expecting that political discussion will be followed as next step. However, there were no political dialogues to discuss their demands. Even though they were allowed to attend the national convention and submit their demands, the junta rejected them. Now, the constitution was approved by force and frauds without considering their rights. And now, the junta is forcing them to reduce their troops and transfer them under the control of Burma’s army. The junta has issued an order to ethnic ceasefire groups, operating along the China-Burma border, to reduce their troop level from current 40,000 fully-equipped soldiers to about 7,000 and transfer them under the control of the Commander-in-Chief by October this year. After that, the junta will transform these troops as the “Border Guard Forces”, commanded by the junta’s officials and under the direct control of the regional military commands.

We have learned from the history. Reducing the large number of ethnic armed forces by order, without securing jobs for them and without granting their rights they have been fighting for decades, will not achieve the happy ending. Refusal of these armed groups to the order of the junta will be the escalating of civil wars in China-Burma border. Emergence of several new armed groups, defected from major armed forces, are also possible and they might become war lords, drug producers and traffickers and criminal gangs, as well as small revolutionary forces without anybody control. Without effective intervention from the international community, wars, bloodshed and violence in Burma will be exploded and compounded, and the stability of the region will be threatened.

# Sadly, when the situation in Burma today is alarmingly deteriorating and moving down a dangerous path, the international response has been frozen since the U.S. has started its slow and indefinite process of policy review on Burma. Many business and pro-junta groups are also taking this opportunity to change the current U.S. policy to their favor of lifting sanctions, engaging with the junta and recognizing the 2010 election. Last month, Nobel Peace Prize Recipient and Arch Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, who wrote an opinion piece in the Washington Post, correctly reminded that I quote “the voices of those it (the regime) has silenced must be heard as if the walls of their jails did not exist” Unquote.

Now, let me read the recommendations made by two prominent opposition groups inside Burma to the U.S. Administration regarding the policy review. The All Burma Monks’ Alliance and the 88 Generation Students, two groups which were instrumental of organizing peaceful protests in many parts of Burma in August and September 2007, widely known as the Saffron Revolution, have sent a letter to Secretary Clinton on May 5, 2009. Two figures wanted by the junta dead or alive, Monk leader Ashin Aww Bar Sa and student leader Tun Myint Aung, signed the letter from their hiding places, as they felt critical to relay their message to Secretary Clinton, while their arrest could be imminent. They have recommended to Secretary Clinton as follows.

(1) We believe that no sanctions should be lifted on the junta until political prisoners have been released and a meaningful dialogue between the junta, the NLD and representatives of our many ethnic groups has finalized a new constitution.

(2) We believe that U.S. leadership with strong diplomatic effort to organize other nations, especially Burma’s neighbors China, India and ASEAN, as well as the EU to work together to address the situation in Burma with common interest, shared responsibility, unified action, and clear benchmark will be the best way to make sanctions and engagement effective and produce positive results.

(3) We support the direct engagement between the U.S. and Burma’s military junta. However, such direct engagement should reach to the sole decision maker of the junta, Senior General Than Shwe.

(4) We suggest you should consider additional measures that include the addition of Burmese crony businessmen and the junta’s political surrogates to visa ban and financial sanctions lists; and calling for a global arms embargo at the U.N. Security Council; if the junta still refuses to implement the meaningful change.

I hope Secretary Clinton hear their voices, which represent those who are silenced by the junta, and put into serious consideration, as suggested by Bishop Tutu.

Thanks,

Aung Din

Realizing the Dream, Acceptance Remark on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Martin Luther King, Jr. Birthday Commemoration and Realizing the Dream Awards Celebration
January 18, 2009
Washington, DC

Remark by Aung Din, Executive Director, U.S. Campaign for Burma, Accepting “Trumpet of Conscience” Award on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great honor for me to accept the “Trumpet of Conscience” award, on behalf of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Burma’s democracy movement. She has been working tirelessly to bring freedom and democracy to Burma. Her leadership has offered courage to the people of Burma as they confront the brutal military regime with brave feats of civil disobedience. While we are here to honor her courage, her love and her sacrifice for the people of Burma, she could not join all of us today. She is still under house arrest, where she has been for more than 13 years.

As Dr. King did, and as you all do, Aung San Suu Kyi has a dream; her dream is simple and innocent: She wants to help people to have freedom from fear, freedom from oppression and freedom to exercise their fundamental rights. She encourages people to stand against injustice. She requests the military regime to start a meaningful political dialogue and to engage in national reconciliation amongst all stakeholders in Burma. However, her quest for peace is being denied by the military regime, which wants to maintain their ruthless power by whatever means necessary.

The military regime uses excessive forces and civilian militias to crush peaceful protesters, and arrests, tortures, and imprisons thousands of democracy activists. The regime has intensified military offensives against ethnic minority civilians, which has resulted in the destruction of over 3,300 villages, forcing two million refugees to flee to neighboring countries while an additional half million people remain in hiding in jungles and mountains in eastern Burma to avoid being killed by Burmese soldiers. The regime’s soldiers rape ethnic women and girls, as young as seven years old, with impunity and millions of people are subject to forced labor and force relocation.

While I am honored to receive the award on her behalf, I am also sad that she is not here with us today. If she was here, she would thank Martin Luther King III, his siblings and “Realizing the Dream” for recognizing her work for justice in Burma. She would feel greatly honored to be in the company of Senator Edward Kennedy, Congressman John Lewis and Reverend Claude Black, who all have provided great leadership for the people of the United States of America. She would also thank Her Majesty Queen Noor of Jordan for presenting the award and she would thank you all for the spotlight this occasion gives to Burma.

President-elect Obama paid tribute to Aung San Suu Kyi by stating: I quote: “She has sacrificed family and ultimately her freedom to remain true to her people and the cause of liberty. And she has done so using the tools of nonviolent resistance in the great tradition of Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, and Martin Luther King, earning the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize.”: unquote. I hope President Obama will uphold existing economic sanctions and lead a strong diplomatic effort to organize international community to put collective pressure on the regime.

Thank you for this tribute to our nationally elected leader and hero. I wish that I will have a chance to return to my country soon to present this award to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and tell her how the people of the United States of America stand with us during our darkest days.

Thank you,

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma

Speaking Out For Prisoners of Conscience

A PANEL DISCUSSION ON “COURAGEOUS VOICES: SPEAKING OUT FOR PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE”

THURSDAY, JULY 24, 2008
1:15 TO 2:30 P.M.
UN CONFERENCE ROOM 6

AMBASSADOR T. VANCE McMAHAN
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO ECONOMIC & SOCIAL COUNCIL
MODERATOR

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Ambassador McMahan, thank you very much for your kind introduction.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am truly honored to be here with you all to commemorate the “Declaration on Prisoners of Conscience”, which is another milestone of the 21^st century , after the sixty year anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thank you very much for giving me an opportunity to speak on behalf of political prisoners in Burma, also known as Myanmar, a country of Southeast Asia, which has been ruled by the most repressive military regime since 1962.

Once, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said in 2002, quote, “until all of our political prisoners are free, none of us can say that Burma is now truly on the road towards democratic change” unquote. It was then she had been released from her second house arrest; however, not soon after, she was put in detention again and remains under house arrest until today. She is the world’s only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize Recipient and one of over 2,000 political prisoners, being held in 43 prisons and 32 labor camps, scattered all over the country. They are men and women, teachers and students, Buddhist Monks, nuns and other religious leaders, party members and human rights defenders, journalists, writers, musicians and comedians, Members of Parliament-elect, ethnic leaders and trade unionists. They all are arrested for their simple desire to obtain democracy and human rights by peaceful means. Many activists have been killed in interrogation chambers and died in prison. I deeply remember them today, Prisoners of Conscience of Burma, as I was one of them 15 years ago.

I was a 25 year-old Engineering student in 1988. Together with my fellow students, I organized a nationwide popular uprising in Burma in August 1988, in which millions of people from all walks of life came to the streets and called for the military regime to end its dictatorship and to restore democracy and human rights. The military regime responded with excessive force, automatic weapons and brutally crushed down the peaceful demonstrators. Tens of thousands of protestors were killed, and thousands more were arrested. After hiding for six months, I was arrested in April 1989.

I was arrested by the military intelligence, which is known in Burma as MI, on a passenger bus, while I was moving from a hiding place to another. A group of strong men forcibly removed me from the bus, blindfolded me, and handcuffed me at my back and threw me into a waiting truck. For two hours, I was on the floor of the truck, lying and facing the dirty floor, and these men put their boots on my body. For them, I was defeated. I heard their voice, reporting to their boss, using a walky-talky, that their mission was accomplished. I realized that a gate of hell was open.

For one month, I was detained at the military intelligence headquarters, on the outskirts of Rangoon, former capital of Burma. After a two hours drive, I was thrown into a small room, subsequently tortured severely and continuously. Sometimes I was like a soccer ball in the football field, being kicked by several players. Sometimes I was a punching bag, being hit by many fists. Sometimes I was hanged from the ceiling, upside down, with my head drowning in a bucket of water. I couldn’t protect the attacks, as my eyes were blindfolded. I couldn’t avoid these kicks as my hands were tied. A group came in for torture, then they left, then another group came in for questioning, then they left, then another group came in for torture. Torturing and interrogation took turns for seven days continuously days and nights, and I was not given food and water. I was not allowed to sleep and use toilet in these days. I was not even allowed to lose my consciousness. When I passed out, they took of the blindfold, and simply splashed cool water on my face to wake me up.

After one month of interrogation, I was sent to Insein Prison, another living hell for political activists in Burma. I was put in solitary confinement for 12 months. My solitary confinement was a tiny cell, 8 foot by 12 foot, constructed with four concrete walls and a ceiling that was too high. There was one iron-gate at the front and a small window covered with wire-mesh high on the back wall. I was allowed to leave from the cell for 15 minutes per day to take bath and throw increments. I had to stay 23 hours and 45 minutes per day in this tiny cell, together with small insects, such as ants, mosquitoes, flies and bugs, for a year.

Once, I got a small piece of brick that I had picked up from a nearby bathing place. I used this piece of brick and drew a calendar on the wall. First I made the seven columns and marked the days, Sunday, Monday, etc. Then I made the 5 rolls and marked the dates, from 1 to 30. Then I checked off every day I passed. One month had quickly ended. I had to draw another month, then another month, then. One day, a prison official noticed these calendars on the wall and he went ballistic. He instructed the warders to bring me to his office, he accused me that I violated the prison rules and decided to give me a punishment, which was a three-day stay in a pitch-black cell with only glue for food.

When I looked at that cell from outside, I didn’t see any difference. But I found the difference when I was in there. It was similar to the other cells, 8 foot by 12 foot. But the window at the back wall and the iron-gate at the front were covered with thick metal plates. When they closed the door, there was no light in the cell. I couldn’t even see my fingers. They also took off my clothes; therefore I was naked. There was no bamboo mat, no blanket, and no chamber pot. I was scared within a few minutes. I tried to control myself, so I sang songs, I shouted, I jumped, and I cried. I tried to lie down on the floor, but it was too cold. I couldn’t lie down for more than 15 minutes. I did everything that made me feel alive and still sane. It was the first time I started to look for someone to pray to protect me under the huge amount of fear. I might have become crazy if they had put me in that cell for more than three days. The only food I got was glue, which was made of with low-quality broken rice and used to feed pigs.

After that punishment, I decided that I would try to avoid punishment in the future. But it was very difficult to do so, because; first, we could not always obey these dirty regulations. Second, there were many rules that cannot be remembered all the time. Third, prison authorities are always trying to find mistakes of the political prisoners purposely. Therefore, almost all political prisoners have to go through the experiences of various and severe punishments in jail. And I received punishments again and again.

Now, I am in freedom, but many of my colleagues are still in prisons in Burma. They are not criminals. Actually, they are the future of our country and their lives should be used for building a better nation. They should be freed immediately and unconditionally and they should be allowed to participate in the country’s political process. That’s why; we are appealing the UN Security Council to take an effective action on Burma. However, the Security Council is paralyzed by two veto power countries, China and Russia.

I appreciate the commitment made by these 64 nations, including the United States, 27 EU members and 36 other nations, “to work for the freedom of prisoners of conscience and to make their release a key priority in their relations with other states”. I hope their determination and decisive and collective action will help prisoners of conscience all over the world, including from Burma, to be free soon.


Thank You,

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

Burma: Standing at a Turning Point

BURMA: Standing at a Turning Point

Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
B1 Conference, 1800 K Street, NW, Washington, DC 20006
Tuesday, April 8, 2008, 1:30-3:00 PM

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
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Ladies and Gentlemen,

Thank you very much for gathering here today. I appreciate the CSIS and the Vital Voices for organizing this event on Burma, which is now reaching at a turning point as mentioned by the title of today discussion. Derek, I thank you very much for your kind introduction.

I would like to touch the current situation in Burma and what will happen next.

Brief Summary on the Situation in Burma

On Feb 9, 2008, the Burmese military junta announced that it will hold the nationwide referendum in May 2008 to approve its constitution and a multi-party general election in 2010. Since then, some international actors assume that this will be the end of the struggle for Burmese democracy movement, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy, the election winning party in the 1990 general election. Even some Western governments are beginning to find ways to get involved in Burma during the expected transitional period, from when the junta approves the constitution in May 2008 to the new elections in 2010.

From the perspective of the Burmese democracy movement, this is not the end of the struggle and our non-violent movement continues, even with a stronger momentum. We also believe that the upcoming referendum will be a greater chance for us to remobilize the masses to challenge the junta.

When Burmese democracy movement called for the junta to engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with the NLD and ethnic representatives for a mutually acceptable solution, we also determined to challenge or block the junta’s seven-step roadmap. We have tried to discredit and undermine every step of the roadmap in legitimate ways. The NLD left the National Convention, the first step of the junta’s roadmap, in 1995 and then claimed that the National Convention was not free, fair or democratic. The NLD decided again to boycott the National Convention in 2005, when it was resumed, as the junta didn’t allow for free and democratic discussion. The junta completely jumped over step 2 and went to step three, which is to draft the constitution with its hand-picked persons. The Burmese democracy movement called for the junta to include representatives of the NLD and ethnic groups in the Constitution Drafting Commission and so had the United Nations. The junta still rejected the request and then they declared that they had completed the constitution writing.

Now, we are reaching to the fourth step of the roadmap, which is to approve the constitution through the nationwide referendum. This step is the most important part of the junta’s roadmap. If it can hold the referendum successfully and get the constitution, it can continue the other remaining steps and complete the roadmap successfully. However, if we are able to reject the constitution through the referendum, then we will be able to reject the whole roadmap and we believe that the junta will have no choice, but to negotiate with democracy forces. The junta also realizes how important this referendum is for them to rule the country forever.

Here are what the junta is doing to ensure that it wins.

(1) The junta has not released the draft constitution yet to the voters as of April 7th, so the people will not have sufficient times to study it.

(2) The junta’s ministers, divisional and regional commanders and USDA leaders are traveling all over the country and pressuring civil servants and the people to vote for the constitution.

(3) Various levels of referendum conducting commissions are formed with the junta’s hand-picked persons.

(4) The junta has also created a climate of fear for those who dare to oppose their plan. Decree 5/96, the law that punishes anyone who tries to disturb the constitution writing process with 20-years imprisonment, is still active. A new referendum law also imposes three-year imprisonment for those who criticize the constitution. Arrest and attack of the democracy activists by the junta security forces and its militias continues daily.

(5) To make sure that it wins, the junta has also twisted a provision, regarding the approval of the constitution. In the basic principles adopted by the national convention, Chapter (XIV) Transitory Provisions, Article 1 states that "This Constitution shall come into force throughout the Union after its adoption in a referendum by the assenting votes of more than half of all the people who have the right to vote." However, in the draft constitution, Chapter (XIV), Article 441 states "This Constitution shall come into force throughout the Union after its adoption in a referendum by the majority votes of more than half of all the people who have the right to vote." From this twist, the constitution is to be approved by the majority of more than 50% of the eligible voters. That means the junta needs only little more than 8 million votes to approve its constitution, as estimated numbers of eligible voters in Burma today are about 32 millions.

(5) To ensure that it wins, the junta also makes a provision of eligible voters in the referendum law. According to the referendum law, Chapter (V) Preparing Voting Rolls, Section 11 (a), the junta allows associate citizens and temporary certificate holders to vote in the referendum. No country allows associate citizens and temporary certificate holders (equivalent to the US permanent residents and legal residents with temporary visa) to participate in the referendum and the elections. There are more than two million Chinese in Burma who migrated from Yunnan Province in China since 1988. As favored by the junta, these Chinese immigrants are doing business very well and holding full and associate Burmese citizen cards, and they will surely vote for the constitution. Combination with military personals and families, as well as some USDA members, the junta can easily organize more then 50% of the voters to go to the polling stations and get enough votes to approve the constitution.

Here are what the democracy forces are doing to reject the constitution.

(1) NLD issued three statements on Apr 2, 2008. One statement has called for the people of Burma to go to polling stations without fail and decisively cast a “NO” vote. Another statement highlights the undemocratic principles in the constitution and explains why the NLD is unable to accept it. The NLD also issued facts to be known regarding the referendum and fraud.

(2) Three other important groups in Burma: the 88 Generation Students, the All Burma Monks’ Alliance and Members of Parliament also are calling for the people of Burma to VOTE AGAINST the constitution.

(3) Activists are distributing T-shirts, pamphlets, posters, stickers, and VCDs and CDs which contain cartoons, literature, performances, satire acts, songs and images that urge the people of Burma to “VOTE NO”.

(4) Activists are also reaching out to the people door to door, explaining why they need to reject the constitution.

(5) Activists are also sending messages to the people of Burma to cast a “NO” vote in the referendum through Burmese radio services, such as BBC, VOA, RFA and DVB.

(6) Activists are also setting up teams and mechanisms to monitor the polling stations and expose the fraud and irregularities.

(7) The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), one of the ethnic cease-fire groups with over ten-thousand strong armed forces, issued an instruction to its members not to participate in the referendum. It is a sign that KIO will not accept the constitution and will not surrender its arms after the referendum.

(8) The New Mon State Party (NMSP), another ethnic-cease fire group with about ten-thousand strong forces, also issued a statement in which it called for the junta to not hold the referendum without having a tripartite dialogue and revise the draft constitution by discussion with all democratic organizations and ethnic groups.

(9) The Shan State Restoration Council, political arm of the Shan State Army (South), an ethnic armed group, also called for all ethnic cease-fire groups to reject the constitution in the upcoming referendum.

(10) Buddhist monks are also reaching out to every household and urging them to cast a “No” vote.

Public Opinion

According to various sources, the public is well aware of the current situation and the junta’s plan to legalize the military dictatorship with the sham constitution. Even some civil servants and family members of the military said that they will vote against the constitution, if there is a chance of secret voting. Several ethnic cease-fire groups will also ask the people in their respective areas to vote against the constitution. Most of the people are not allowed to study the draft constitution yet; however, they knew that this constitution does not bring any good to their lives. They all know that their “No” vote is not only to the constitution, but also to the military junta.

There are some people who will vote for the constitution due to the pressure of the junta or with the belief that something is better than nothing. Some ethnic groups, who have already surrendered, will also vote for the constitution. Some also think that even if they vote against it, the junta will twist the result and claim the victory. Therefore they feel that however they vote; it does not count.

Possible Scenario in Post Referendum Period

We believe that the majority of people will go to the polling stations and cast a “No” vote decisively, as organized by democracy forces led by NLD, and as they don’t believe in the junta. However, we also believe that the junta will try to claim a victory by cheating and fraud, as the Central Commission in Nay Pyi Daw will do the total counting of the votes.

As we have seen in the current elections in Zimbabwe, civilians will play an important role in the referendum in Burma, not only casting a “No” vote, but also counting votes from all the polling stations and producing the results against the official counting. We believe that we can expose the cheatings by the authorities, produce the real results and claim the junta’s result as a sham.

The post-referendum period will be very important and the turning point for Burma. Hugh confrontation between the military junta, who will claim the victory by cheating the results of the referendum, and the people of Burma, who will be cheated and demand for the justice, will begin. Mass movement will be organized to call for the junta to abandon its one-sided roadmap, respect the real desire of the people of Burma, and begin negotiating with the democracy forces led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Ethnic cease-fire groups will support the mass movement and even some military officials may call for their masters to cooperate with the opposition. If there is stronger pressure from the international community, the junta will have no choice, but to engage in a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with the democratic opposition.

We are not dreaming

However, the people of Burma know very well that they can’t count too much on the international community and the UN Security Council, which is divided between the U.S-led democratic countries and China-led group of defenders of dictators. They know that the destiny of their country is in the hands of them and they are the one who will decide their own future. On March 26, two prominent dissident groups which led the peaceful protests in August and September in Burma last year, the All Burma Monks’ Alliance (ABMA) and the 88 Generation Students issued a statement, in which they claimed that, (Quote) “Nonetheless, the people of Burma will stand on their own feet and confront the injustices and oppression of the military junta by peaceful means. We all are determined to “VOTE NO” on the junta’s sham constitution in the upcoming referendum. As the military junta is aggressively and desperately pressuring the people to vote in favor of the constitution, our challenge to reject it will surely be met with a bloody response by the junta. Our vote “No” is not only to the sham constitution, but also to the junta. With or without the help of the UN Security Council, we are ready to determine our own future. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi recently told us to “hope for the best, prepare for the worst”. This call echoes the message of her father our National Independence Hero U Aung San. We are prepared to confront the worst. We are working for truth and justice, and we will prevail” (Unquote).

Let me end my presentation here. Thank you.

Aung Din
Executive Director
U.S. Campaign for Burma
aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org

Suggestions to the US Government

In Public Statements and Policy Speeches, US Government should:

(1) Denounce the referendum as an illegitimate process.

(2) Denounce the junta for its rejections of the recommendations made by the UN General Assembly resolutions, UN Human Rights Council resolutions and the UN Security Council Presidential Statement.

(3) Call for the junta to stop its one-sided actions and start a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, the NLD and ethnic representatives.

(4) Call for the junta to stop arresting activists and release all political prisoners.

(5) Call for the junta to stop attacking ethnic populations in eastern Burma.

(6) Call for China, India and ASEAN to apply serious pressure on the junta to comply with the recommendations made by the UN Security Council.

(7) Call for the EU to impose financial and banking sanctions against the generals, their family members and crony businessmen.

(8) Call on the International Community to not recognize the junta’s constitution.

In Quite Diplomacy, US Government should:

(1) Call for China, India and ASEAN to publicly or privately call for the junta to create necessary conditions for a free and fair referendum, by international standards, including releasing all political prisoners, allowing all parties and people to campaign for and against the draft constitution, lifting all restrictive measures and laws, inviting international observers and media, before the referendum.

(2) Call for China, India and ASEAN to publicly or privately ask the junta to respect the decision of the people of Burma, if they reject the constitution.


(3) Call for China, India and ASEAN to public or privately ask the junta to negotiate with the democratic opposition for mutually acceptable solution, if the people of Burma reject its constitution.

(4) Call for China, India and ASEAN not to recognize the junta’s constitution, if the junta claims the victory despite the majority of the people against it.

(5) Call for China, Russia, and members of the UN Security Council to be ready to impose a binding resolution on Burma, if the junta unilaterally approve the constitution by cheating and use violence to crack down against protestors.

Aung Din

Executive Director

U.S. Campaign for Burma

aungdin@uscampaignforburma.org