Burma: Non-Violence Movement for Democracy and the Role of International Community

Harvard Burma Action Group, Harvard University
May 5, 2005

Burma: Non-Violence Movement for Democracy and the Role of International Community
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Thank you very much for inviting me to speak here today.

A few months ago, I flew from Washington, DC to Charlotte, North Carolina. On the plane, an American gentleman, who was sitting beside me, asked my country of origin. I answered, “I come from Burma”. He said, “What? Bahamas!” So, I tried to describe my country to him. I said “O.K do you know Thailand?" “Yes. I know”, he answered. “Thailand is a beautiful country with colorful beaches, wonderful mountains, virgin islands and famous culture.” Obviously, he knew Thailand very well. I told him, “Well, Burma is a neighboring country of Thailand. We share a border”. He still didn’t get it. So, I gave another description, “Do you know the golden triangle, which is notorious for production of heroine and illicit stimulants." Well, successfully, it rang a bell. “Oh! I see, Khun Sa, Khun Sa? I remember now. A drug lord; a narcotic kingpin. You are from his country, right?" Reluctantly, I said “Yes.” At least, now he knew my country.

This is a reality that we have to accept painfully and sadly. While our neighbor Thailand is famous for its beauty, culture and hospitality, my country Burma is notorious for narcotic production, human rights abuses, and poverty and as a heaven for drug lords, who are wanted by the US Government and International Law Enforcement agencies.

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Let me tell you a brief history of Burma. Burma is one of the Southeast Asian Countries and surrounded by China, India, Bangladesh, Thailand, Andaman Sea and Indian Ocean. Burma has a population of 52 millions people, comprised of eight major ethnic nationalities and several minority groups. Actually, the last census conducted in Burma was in 1981.Therefore, the population is estimated based on the rate of population growth. The majority of population is ethnic Burman and the major religion is Buddhism.

Today Burma united under a monarchy early in the 11^th century. In 1885, Burma was invaded and colonized by the British. Japanese Fascists also ruled Burma for three years, from 1945 to 1947. Burma's independence movement started in 1920 and achieved success in 1948.

When independent, Burma exercised a parliament democracy system. Democracy and Human Rights were guaranteed by the government, which was elected by the people. But this did not last very long. On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win and the military staged a coup. Since then, political parties, student unions, trade unions and independent organizations have not been allowed to exist. From that time onward, Burma had lost Democracy and Human Rights. However, this also marched the beginning of the democracy movement in Burma.

From 1962 onward, students and workers held the various strikes peacefully in University campuses and in the factories against the military regime, demanding the Democracy and Human Right for the people of Burma. All strikes ended with bloody oppression by the military government. Hundreds of students and workers were killed, detained and forced to flee Burma. It is true that ending tyranny is the work of generations.

When I was young, I saw my father disappear from home many times. Sometimes, he disappeared for a week, sometimes two weeks; once he was away from home for nearly two years. When he came back home, he was weak and unhealthy and needed many months to recover. He was taken by the authorities for interrogation. He was tortured by his interrogators and kept in solitary confinement. Before I realized what was happening, I cried together with my mother every time my father was taken. When I realized that my father was taken by the authorities for his link to underground anti-dictatorship activities, I stopped crying and I was very proud of him. I consoled my mother and waited quietly for the day when my father would be back. I always wished that nobody would come and take my father again. I also prayed that my father and his colleagues would topple the military dictator. Since 1962, the people of Burma has been tried hard to remove the military dictatorship by peaceful means. There are plenty of mass protests in 1962, 1969, 1973, 1974, 1976, 1987, 1988, 1990, 1996 and 1998. The people of Burma have never passed these days quietly and silently without showing their resistance to the regime. Tens of thousands of people sacrificed their lives during these struggles for free Burma.

The movement for democracy in Burma reached its peak in 1988. Burmese students successfully organized a nationwide popular demonstration, calling for freedom, democracy and an end of single party rule. We joined together with millions of people from all walks of life and challenged the authorities peacefully. Under strong pressure of mass protests, General Ne Win resigned and agreed to hold a multi-party general election. We ended the single party rule in Burma in 1988 and paved the way for a multi-party democracy. But, before we were able to establish a civilian government, the current military regime came to power, brutally killing thousands of peaceful demonstrators in the streets. This military regime, led by dictator Than Shwe runs the country by using guns and creating a climate of fear through arbitrary arrest, extrajudicial killing, using rape as weapon of war, and other forms of abuses. Since 1988, as many as ten thousand peaceful demonstrators were killed by the brutal military; thousands of Burmese people were forced to flee the country and became the refugees in the neighboring countries; hundreds of ethnic women and girls were raped by soldiers; between 600,000 and one million people became internal displaced persons and the target of soldier in free fire zones; I can not count the number of broken families and the lives being destroyed by the military dictators. Currently, more than one thousand and three hundred activists are being incarcerated. I was one of them between 1989 and 1993.

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I was arrested on April 23, 1989. I was on the way back to one of my hiding places, when a group of soldiers stopped the bus. Then, I was removed from the passenger bus by force. My hands were cuffed behind my back and my head was covered with a dirty hood. I was thrown into an army trunk and brought to an interrogation center. I was there with no food, no drink, no toilet, and no sleep for one week. One group came into the room. They used no words but began kicking, beating, punching and hitting me. Because I was blindfolded and handcuffed, I didn’t know where these attacks came from and who the attackers were. I was like a ball in a soccer field, a ball being kicked by twenty-two players, sometimes in the air, sometimes on the ground. Once they were satisfied with the torture, they left and another group came in for interrogation. And interrogations and torture went on all days and nights. I requested many times for a drink of water. But it was never granted. I lost consciousness many times, but they only took off the hood, poured cold water on my face and put the hood back. They didn’t even allow me to pass out. I was only allowed to have food, drink and the rest after seven days of interrogation. Then interrogations and torture still continued, but not frequently.

One month later, I was sent to the notorious Insein prison, where thousand of dissidents were being held. I was in solitary confinement for 13 months without trial. There was no family contact either. Only on May 23, 1990, I was sent before the military court. I was sentenced to four years imprisonment with hard labor. My trial only took 15 minutes. I had no defense lawyer.

Most of the political prisoners are put in the cellblock. In the cellblock, up to five prisoners shared a tiny cell, eight foot by twelve foot. We had to sleep on the concrete floor with a bamboo mat. The cell was constructed with four concrete walls and ceiling that was too high. There was one iron-gate at front and a small window covered with wire-mesh high on the back wall. And there were only two small chamber pots for excrement.

When we were in the cellblock, there were many rules to follow. We had to wake up at six am and sit in front of the door for about two hours for a head count. We had to sit again at five pm for about two hours for another head-count. We only had fifteen minutes per day to leave the cell to throw out our excrement and bathe. At nine pm, we had to lie down in our place and nobody was allowed to sit or stand or walk in the cell. We were not allowed to talk to other political prisoners in the adjacent cells. We couldn’t even say a courtesy word, such as, hello or Good morning or Good night.
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Once, I was in a solitary confinement. I drew a calendar on the wall with a piece of brick. From day 1 to day 30, from Sunday to Saturday and I marked a cross on every day I passed. And one month ended. I drew another month and marked again. One day, a prison officer noticed these calendars and I was given a punishment for violation of the prison rules. They said that as a first time offender, I had to be put in the pitch-black cell as a minimum punishment for three days. Then I was brought into the pitch-black cell. When I looked at that cell, I didn’t see any difference. But I found the difference when I was in there.

It was similar to the other cell, 8 foot by 12 foot. But the window at the back wall and the iron-gate at the front were covered with metal plate. When they closed the door, there was no light in the cell. That’s why it was called pitch-black cell. Furthermore, there was no bamboo mat, no blanket and no chamber pot. And I was naked. They took off my prisoner uniform before they put me into there. A few hours later, I was scared and shaking. Coldness, darkness and loneliness attacked me in the cell. I cried. I shouted. I sang songs. But this made echo in the cell and made me more scared. I tried to sleep on the floor. It was too cold. I couldn’t lie down for more than 15 minutes. I cursed the military junta with dirty words. I ran in the cell. I jumped. I did everything that made me feel alive and still sane. It was the first time I started to look for a religion to worship under this huge amount of fear. I have to admit that I may have become crazy if they had put me in that cell for more than three days. I even decided that I would try to avoid punishment in the prison in the future. But it was very difficult to do so. Firstly, we could not always obey those dirty regulations. Secondly, there are many rules that cannot be remembered all the time. Thirdly, prison authorities are always trying to find mistakes of the political prisoners purposely. Therefore, almost all political prisoners have to go through the experiences of punishment in jail. And I received punishment again and again.
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Once, our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said "In a country like ours, which is totally crushed by a military regime, justice is a dream. But it is a dream that we are determined to realize." Yes, we are determined to realize the dream, which is freedom, justice and democracy in Burma. We are working to realize the dream by peaceful means.

Martin Luther King had a dream to make his people have equal rights in the United States. Bogyoke Aung San had a dream to make Burma free from the British Colonial rule. Nelson Mandela had a dream to abolish Apartheid and White minority rule in South Africa. And they were not just dreaming, they made their dreams come true.

Our dream is simple, reasonable and appropriate. We want to live in peace. We want to live in a safe and secure environment. We want to be free from fear. We want to have the freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom of association, freedom to choose the government we want. We want to have justice which is above everybody. Of course, realizing this kind of dream is not a simple job. It comes with enormous difficulties and requires a huge amount of sacrifices.

As we are trying to realize the dream by peaceful mean against 400,000 strong, well-equipped and brutal military forces, we need the kind assistance of the international community.

Our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), call on the international community to pressure the Burmese military junta politically, economically and diplomatically. Similar to the international campaigns supporting South African's anti-apartheid movement, we want international governments to punish the Burmese regime with strong and collective economic sanctions. We want international corporations not to invest in Burma. We want foreign tourists not to visit Burma. We want the United Nations Security Council to be involved in Burma. These are the roles we want international community to play to support Burma's non-violence democracy movement. We are not asking for military intervention. We are just asking the international community to help Burma's democracy movement by putting concrete, collective and concerted pressure against Burma's military junta.

These demands are very reasonable. Refusal to recognize this regime as a legitimate government by the international community will highlight the illegitimate and illegal rule of Burma's junta. Cutting the economic lifeline of the regime by economic sanctions will weaken the stronghold of the regime's abusive mechanism. Denunciation by international community of this regime's human rights abuses on its own people will make the regime responsible and accountable for these crimes against humanity. This helps the democracy movement to be much stronger and to have more leverage. We expected to challenge the brutal military with the help of democracy loving people from all over the world.

But the world we live in today is very diverse and polarized. When the United States and European Union, whose priority is to respect human rights and democracy, impose economic sanctions and pressure against Burma's junta, China, India, Thailand and many other countries, whose priority is just business interest, continue doing business with Burma's regime and profiting. While thousands of foreign tourists listen to the request of Burma's democrat and avoid visiting Burma, hundreds of other foreigners are heading to Burma and helping to fill the pockets of the generals. Even in the United States, while the US Congress, the US Administration and the people strongly support Burma's democracy movement by imposing comprehensive economic sanctions and banning new investment in Burma, some US corporations like UNOCAL are still doing business in Burma, making a handsome profit and helping Burma's military regime to be richer and stronger. While responsible citizens of the US listen to Aung San Suu Kyi and stay away from Burma, New York-based Orient-Express Hotels Ltd. is running a five-star hotel and a luxury cruise ship in Burma and promoting expensive travel to Burma by University Alumni Associations and Museums.

Actually, we have no time to waste with disappointment and depression. We believe in the power of grassroots activists and students. We request your solidarity. And we believe that your solidarity and action will lead to world leaders responding to our request fairly and consistently. That's why; I am here today, meeting with you.

First, please continue your campaign asking Harvard University to divest from the UNOCAL. By investing in UNOCAL, Harvard University will be a partner in crime with UNOCAL. Bare in mind that the profits Harvard University is receiving from the UNOCAL, are being stained with the blood, sweat and tears of the innocent citizens of Burma, who have been forced to relocate from their native land, whose lands were forcibly confiscated for a gas pipe-line project, who were forced to work without compensation in the gas pipe-line area, who were killed brutally and who were raped by the regime's soldiers funded by the UNOCAL. Harvard should divest from UNOCAL as quickly as possible to save its dignity.

Second, we would like to urge you to help us boycott tourism to Burma. As I mentioned earlier, some travel agencies are promoting lucrative tours to Burma among the University Student Alumni Associations and the Museums. Two years ago, the Harvard Museum took this offer and made a visit to Burma. Please tell your friends that making a luxury tour to Burma at this time while the people of Burma are suffering enormous human rights abuses by the regime, is very unethical and undermining our non-violence movement.

Third, it is important for Burma's democracy movement that the US maintains its current level of pressure against the regime. The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which was adopted in 2003 unanimously in the US Congress, is going to be resubmitted to the Congress in mid May, this month for an extension of another year. Senators McConnell and Feinstein in the Senate, Congressmen Tom Lantos and Peter King in the House are preparing to reintroduce in both chambers. Please call your members of Congress, urging them to co-sponsor and support this legislation when it comes to the floor.

Let me also explain one of the campaigns we are undertaking worldwide. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be sixty years old on June 19, 2005. She is an icon of democracy, a unique leader in Burma's democracy movement and the only imprisoned Nobel Peace Laureate in the world. Like people did seventeen years ago in 1988 on Nelson Mandela's seventieth birthday, we are planning to hold worldwide events on June 19th to honor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, all political prisoners and the courageous people of Burma.

Here is some progress so far. City and County of San Francisco decided to name June 19th, as Aung San Suu Kyi Day. The City of Berkeley will be next soon. A famous singer has already written a song dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi to be released in the first week of June. Over 60 people in the US will arrest themselves at home for one day on June 19th to show their solidarity with Aung San Suu Kyi. There will be mass protests on June 17, Friday, in front of the Burmese regime's embassies in at least 12 countries. Hundreds of people are sending birthday cards to our office for Aung San Suu Kyi. We hope that you will be part of these activities.

Well, like I said, we are not dreaming. We are working to realize the dream. The journey to the dream might be very long; it might be full of dangers; it might be an ocean of fire. But, we will never ever give up. We will not make our friends in prison disappointed. We will not make the souls of our friends who sacrificed their lives for this dream disappointed. We are working to realize the dream and we will reach the dream that we want soon, by working together with you all. Let's make our dream come true together.

Thank you.


Aung Din

Dreaming and Realizing the Dream

DREAMING AND REALIZING THE DREAM
AUNG DIN

March 12, 2005

2005 Annual Burma's Human Rights Day Event
Unitarian Fellowship Hall, 1924 Cedar Street (at Bonita), in Berkeley, California

Organized by the Burmese American Democratic Alliance (BADA); and co-sponsored by The Global Fund For Women of San Francisco, the Berkeley Unitarian Unitarian Universalist Social Justice Committee, the Burmese American Women's Alliance (BAWA) and the Political Prisoner Supporting Committee of the West Coast Burma Pro-Democracy Conference

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Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to begin by thanking the Burmese American Democratic Alliance and The Global Fund For Women of San Francisco, the Berkeley Unitarian Universalist Social Justice Committee, the Burmese American Women's Alliance (BAWA) and the Political Prisoner Supporting Committee of the West Coast Burma Pro-Democracy Conference for organizing and sponsoring this remarkable event. I also would like to thank all of you for being here today. I am very honored to be here with you all.

Seventeen years ago, on March 13, 1988, my fellow students Phone Maw was killed by the police during a student protest at the Rangoon Institute of Technology (RIT), which was only engineering school in Burma at that time and what we called "RIT" in short form. I was a final year mechanical Engineering student and few months away from my graduation.

I was at D Hall, one of six hostels for male students, when I heard noises coming from the main entrance of the school. I put down my books and ran to the main entrance to find out what was happening. What I saw was very ugly. My fellow students were inside the compound, shouting slogans that denounced the police and authorities for their injustice and unfairness. On the other side of the concrete wall that divide the main street and the school, police were kneeling on the street, aiming their guns at the students, ready to shoot. It was a very ugly scene indeed, unarmed students were confronting with well-armed police. Within a minute, I was among my fellow students, shouting the slogans at the police with enormous anger.

A few minutes later, two fire engines came to the scene. We were sprayed by the water cannon. At first, the speed of water was not strong, so that some students were dancing and making the police angry. Later, small materials were dropping around us. At first we thought these were canned milk, but suddenly we realized that these were smoke bombs. Dark smoke covered the air, and we could not see each other. Then we heard very loud noises, something like thunder, many times. Police shot at the students, who were immobilized by the pressure of water cannon and darkness of the smoke. We ran disorderly back into the main building.

When we were at the main building, we checked each other. Many of us were injured, some by falling on concrete floor, some were temporarily blinded due to the smoke, and some sustained gun shot wound. Among them, three students, Phone Maw, Myint Oo and Soe Naing were in critical condition. I have never seen people with so much blood before, except in the movies. It was the first time in my life that I saw wounded persons, who were lying on the floor, motionless. Some said that they were already dead and some disagreed. Our professors came and arranged a car and brought them to the hospital immediately. Later, we learned that Phone Maw was already dead and Soe Naing died five days later at the hospital. He was treated as an accused and put at the prisoner ward in the Rangoon General Hospital. He was chained with his bed even in his critical condition till the day he died.

When the government’s radio, television and newspaper announced that incident, it was mentioned as a group fight between the RIT students and the commoners. The government’s media even reported that the commoners killed Phone Maw during the fight. These false press announcements instigated the fury of students from all Universities and Colleges. To protest the unfair treatment by the government, all University students gathered inside their school campus and held the anti-government strikes, demanding for justice and reformation of the student unions to protect the student rights.

At Rangoon University, a student strike was held to support to denounce the government. On March 16, Rangoon University students decided to march to RIT to join with RIT students. They left from the campus in a peaceful and orderly manner. When they reached the main road, the massive riot police blocked the road with barbed wires, armored cars and fire engines.

The riot police, with angry face and bloodthirsty manner were ready to attack the students. They even shouted at the students, saying “stupid students, trouble makers", and used some dirty words. Student leader Min Ko Naing and some students approached the riot police and requested that they open the road. But all the requests made by the students were in vane. Within a few seconds, all the riot police ran into the students and beat them with their batons mercilessly. Many students were beaten to death on the spot. Some students collapsed to the ground and were kicked by the police. Some police stole the students’ personal belongings, such as gold chains, rings, watches, during the rampage.

Students were running in panic without knowing where they were going. Some students were trapped between the riot police and Inya Lake, next to Rangoon University and famous for it’s panoramic scenery. Students collapsed into the lake when the riot polices ran after them and beat them continuously. There were so many bodies floating in the lake that the water of Inya Lake turned red. Cries of the defenseless students and the angry and blood thirsty shouting of riot police echoed above Inya Lake, once a chosen place for lovers and the most beautiful symbol of Rangoon University. Plenty of slippers, school bags and books without owners left on the road.

One year later, in March 1989, we planned to hold an event making the one year anniversary of March 13 at the RIT campus. We also decided to name this day "Anti-Dictatorship Day of Burma". Later, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi called us to her residence and presented her idea to name this day "Human Rights Day of Burma". After serious discussion, we all agreed to call March 13 "Human Rights Day of Burma" as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has suggested.

March 13, 1988 is a day to remember. It was a day that the university students were killed by the authorities. It was a day that ignited the nationwide popular uprising calling for democracy, human rights and an end of single party dictatorship. It was a day that sent a strong signal to then dictator General Ne Win to withdraw from his single party dictatorship. I really appreciate the leaders and members of the BADA and San Francisco Bay Area activists for remembering this day.

Now, let me tell you about the title of my presentation. A few weeks ago, I was busy with preparation for our second annual conference. We entitled the conference "Burma: Realizing the Dream". Actually, it was quoted from a part of one of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's speeches. She said "In a country like ours, which is totally crushed by a military regime, justice is a dream. But it is a dream that we are determined to realize." Yes, we are determined to realize the dream, which is freedom, justice and democracy in Burma. We are working to realize the dream. That's why; when Ko Nyunt Than called me and asked me to give the title of my presentation, I quickly answered that the title was "Dreaming and Realizing the Dream".

You might be Bill Gates, the world richest person in the world, in your dream. You might be the President of the United States, the most powerful person in the world in your dream. You might be falling in love with the most beautiful man or woman in your dream. You might be receiving Noble Peace Prize in your dream. No. No. No. I don't mean any of these dreams.

The dream I mean is something that you wish for your family, for your society, for your country, for future generations and for your own people. Martin Luther King had a dream to make his people have equal rights in the United States. Bogyoke Aung San had a dream to make Burma free from the British Colonial rule. Nelson Mandela had a dream to abolish Apartheid and White minority rule in South Africa. And they were not just dreaming, they made their dreams come true.

When I was young, I saw my father disappeared from home many times. Sometimes, he disappeared for a week, sometimes two weeks; once he was away from home for nearly two years. When he came back home, he was weak and unhealthy and needed many months to recover. He was taken by the authorities for interrogation. He was tortured by his interrogators and kept in the solitary confinement. Before I realized what was happening, I cried together with my mother when my father was taken. When I realized that my father was taken by the authorities for the reason that he had possible contacts with the outlaw communist party, I stopped crying. I consoled my mother and waited for the day when my father would be back. I always wished that nobody would come and take my father again. My mother wished the same as well. But, we knew that wishing something and crying out loud could not be helpful. We were helpless and vulnerable.

When we look at the day that Phone Maw was killed by the police, it was obvious that no one or no organization had helped to defend the students. General Ne Win's government simply put the blame on the students. We had a wish that we had the right to defend students mistreated by the authorities. We wanted the opportunity to complain about the authorities for their misconduct, unfairness and injustice toward the ordinary citizens in Burma. We knew that wishes never come true without actions. We quickly organized nationwide student protests calling for freedom, democracy and justice. We joined together with the people from all walks of live and challenged the authorities peacefully. We were working to realize the dream. We ended the single party rule in Burma in 1988 and paved the way for multi-parties democracy.

Our dream is simple, reasonable and appropriate. We want to live in peace. We want to live in a safe and secure environment. We want to be free from fear. We want to have the freedom of speech, freedom of press, freedom of association, freedom to choose the government we want. We want to have justice which is above everybody. Of course, realizing that kind of dream is not a simple job. It comes with enormous difficulties and requires the huge amount of sacrifices that we have paid for seventeen years and we are still paying for.

Since 1988, as many as ten thousand peaceful demonstrators were killed by the brutal military; thousands of Burmese people were forced to flee the country and became the refugees in the neighboring countries; hundreds of ethnic women and girls were raped by the soldiers; between 600,000 and one million people became internal displaced persons and the target of soldier in the free fire zones; I could not count the number of broken families and the lives being destroyed by the military dictators. Currently, more than one thousand and three hundred activists are being incarcerated. What does that mean? We have not reached the dream yet.

When I was in prison, especially at the time I was tortured severely, I had a belief that my colleagues, my comrades, who share this dream with me would continue to work for the dream, and I would be free when we realized the dream. We all have a common dream. We all are working to realize this dream. With people who are determined to realize the dream, our dream will come true sooner. And then we will be free. I am sure that over 1,300 political prisoners including our leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have a belief that their friends, their colleagues, their people, people like you all in this room will continue to make the dream come true. They knew that we are not dreaming. They believe that we are working to realize the dream.

Now, I am here to appeal to all of you to make the dream come true together. As the courageous people of Burma are taking a risk everyday, confronting with the brutal regime to reach their dream, we, people outside the country are also responsible to help them realize the dream. Let's work together to make this dream come true.

If you look at the situation carefully, you will know that the days of the military regime are numbered. Generals in Rangoon are eating their own flesh. Once, they proudly said that their unity in the military is solid and nobody could crack it. But, today, they are cracking themselves. Power struggle, mistrust and competition for lucrative business opportunities among the Generals are growing day by day.

On the other hand, the frustration and disappointment of the international community is also growing. Even some friendly governments of the regime, such as Singapore and Malaysia, began to speak openly about losing patience with the regime and their concern about gradually deteriorating relation with the United States and the European Union over Burma. Let me put it this way, the international community is mounting the pressure against the military regime. The United States has imposed comprehensive sanctions since 2003. The European Union is also increasing its measures against the military junta. ASEAN nations are also putting a lot of heat on the regime concerning the possibility of US and EU' boycott on the summit and ministerial meetings in 2006, when the regime will hold the ASEAN chairmanship. The United Nations has already announced that it would not recognize the results of the regime's national convention for undemocratic and inconclusive manners. There are many attempts in the United Nations to put Burma on the UN Security Council.

As you all are in the United States, the most powerful country in the world and the country of freedom loving people, you are surrounded by the people who are the most able persons to help Burma's democracy movement. Please contact the members of Congress in your state and district and make some requests.

First, it is important for Burma's democracy movement that the US maintains its current level of pressure against the regime. The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 is going to be resubmitted to the Congress in April for Congressional review and extension of another year. Senators McConnell and Feinstein in the Senate, Congressmen Tom Lantos and Peter King in the House are beginning to prepare to reintroduce this one in the Congress. Please call your members of Congress, urge them to co-sponsor and support this legislation when it comes to the floor.

Second, the US Congress adopted legislation last year, calling on the UN Security Council to address the Burma issue. Since this is the will of the US Congress, please urge your members of Congress to push the Bush administration to raise Burma at the UN Security Council at every opportunity. You should also urge members of Congress to join with other Parliamentarians around the world, especially the European Parliament and ASEAN Parliamentarian Caucus, to put pressure on ASEAN as a whole for the suspension of Burma from its Chairmanship in 2006.

Third, even though US Congress allocates money for Burma's democracy movement every year, there is no fund for IDPs (Internal Displaced Persons) in Eastern Burma until now. These IDPs are the most vulnerable and helpless and need emergency assistance from the international community. Between 600,000 and one millions Ethnic nationalities are being displaced inside Eastern Burma and killed by the soldiers day after day. We need to urge the US Congress to allocate a significant amount of money for the organizations that are assisting the IDPs by crossing the border.

Let me also explain one of the campaigns we are undertaking worldwide. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be sixty years old on June 19, 2005, which is three months away from now. She is an icon of democracy, unique leader of Burma's democracy movement and the only imprisoned Nobel Peace Laureate in the world. Like many people did a few years ago in 1988 on Nelson Mandela's seventieth year birthday, we are planning to hold worldwide events on this day to honor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, all political prisoners and the courageous people of Burma. We are planning to hold 60 House Arrest parties nationwide. We request you to arrest yourself for one day at your home on that day. On that day, you can invite your friends to come and see you at home. You can show the video documentaries and other materials about Burma, and you all can share the moment together. You should ask the visitors to donate some money to help our activities. You can invite your members of Congress from your district and state. They might come or they might send their staff to your house arrest party. So far, we have 25 people who have pledged to hold a house arrest party on June 19, 2005 and I hope you all will join us. You can contact to me for more information and planning.

Well, like I said, we are not dreaming. The journey to the dream might be very long; it might be full with dangers; it might be an ocean of fire. But, we will never ever give up. We will not make our friends in prison disappointed. We will not make the souls of our friends who sacrificed their lives for this dream disappointed. We are working to realize the dream and we will reach the dream that we want soon, by working together with you all. Let's make our dream come true together.

Thank you.

Aung Din

MAN ON THE CAR, MAN ON THE ROAD

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(2)
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(3)
orD;av;a& æ

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(4)
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idrf;csrf;ygap æ

atmif'if
azazmf0g&Dv 12 &uf/ 2005

jynfaxmifpkae@

2005 WITH GREAT CHALLENGES

rdk;rcodk@ ay;pmrsm; - 18

pdefac:jcif;rsm;eJ@ 2005

atmif'if

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'gayr,fh orD;&,f æ tJ'Dvdk etz ppftkyfpku aoG;&l;aoG;wrf;/ ajcvSrf;usJusJ vSrf;+yD; &rf;um;aeayr,fh }uD;rm;aom tusyftwnf;}uD;awGudkvnf; &ifqdkifae&wm txift&Sm;ygyJ? tusKd;pD;yGm;twGuf tm;+ydKif=u&if; AdkvfcsKyfawG tcsif;csif;=um; tjyeftvSef r,Hk=unf=uawmhwm? ‘b,folcGJcGJ/ wdk@ruGJ/ t+rJpnf;vHk;rnf’qdkwJh ppfwyf}uD;[m tpdwfpdwft¹r$m¹r$m +ydKtufp jyKvm+yD; a'oqdkif&m ppfbk&ifawG acgif;axmifvmwm/ olwdk@ tifrweftm;udk;wJh tmqD,HEdkifiHrsm; udk,fE_dufudku etz ppftkyfpkudk tzGJ@tpnf;&JŒ *k%foduQmudk zsufaew,fvdk@ xifjrif,lqvm=uwm/ etz ppftkyfpk&JŒ xif&mpdkif; rSm;,Gif;r_awGa=umifh tmqD,HwpfzGJ@vHk;taeeJ@ tar&duefeJ@ Oa&myor*~EdkifiHrsm;eJ@ qufqHa&;/ yl;aygif;aqmif&Gufa&;udpPawG tqifrajyjzpfrSmudk pkd;&drfylyefae=uwm/ tqdk;qHk;uawmh olwdk@ tjrpfjzwfacsr_ef;zdk@ }udK;pm;aewJh trsKd;om;'Drdkua&pDtzGJ@csKyf[m olwdk@ar#mfvifhovdk ysufpD;+ydKvJroGm;bJ qufvuf+yD; rm;rm;rwfrwf wnf&Sdaeao;wJhtjyif jynfolawG&JŒ axmufcHtm;ay;r_eJ@ urBmh'Drdkua&pDEdkifiHrsm;&JŒ pnf;vHk;cspfcifr_udk qxufxrf;ydk; &&Sdaewmaygh?

wu,fyg orD;&,f æ? ppftkyfpku b,fvdkyJ jzwfjzwf/ trsKd;om;'Drdkua&pDtzGJ@csKyf[m vlxkeJ@/ vlxkacgif;aqmif a':atmifqef;pk=unfeJ@/ 'Drdkua&pDa&; wdkufyGJ0ifbuf wdkif;&if;om;vlrsKd;pkrsm;eJ@ uif;uGmoGm;rSm r[kwfygbl;? a&udk "m;eJ@jzwfvdk@ rjywfEdkifovdkrsKd;ayghuG,f? +yD;awmhvnf; olwdk@ b,fol@udk/ b,fEdkifiHudk/ b,fvdkyJ csOf;uyfcsOf;uyf trSefw&m;udk b,folrS =um&Snfausmcdkif; r&yfEdkif=uygbl;uG,f?

(3)
orD;av;a& æ?

'Davmufawmif ta&;}uD;wJh tcsdefumvrSm azazwdk@vdk ta0;a&muf jrefrmh'Drdkua&pDa&; v_yf&Sm;olawGu jynfwGif;u ol&Jaumif;rsm;&JΠw&m;aom v_yf&Sm;r_udk b,fvdk tm;jznfhay;=urvJ? 2005 ckESpfudk azazwdk@ b,fvdkjzwfoef;=urvJ?

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wcsdefwnf;rSmyJ etz ppftkyfpkudk tumtuG,fay;aewJh tmqD,HEdkifiHrsm;udkvnf; jyif;xefwJh zdtm;ay;r_awG jyKvkyf&awmhr,f? uGefjrLepftm%m&SifawG/ ppftm%m&SifawG/ t&yfom; tm%m&SifawGeJ@ zGJ@pnf;xm;wJh tmqD,HEdkifiHrsm;taeeJ@ etz ppftkyfpkudk 0dkif;&HumuG,fay;ae=uayr,fh tar&duefjynfaxmifpk/ Oa&myor*~EdkifiHrsm;eJ@ qufqHa&;ysufrSm/ yl;aygif;aqmif&Gufr_awG &yfwef@oGm;rSmudk pdk;&drfylyefae=uwm txift&Sm;ygyJ? txl;ojzifh vmr,fh 2006 ckESpfrSm jrefrmppftkyfpku tmqD,H OuUÏwm0efudk 2 ESpfoufwrf; wm0ef,lwJhtcsdefrSm tar&duefjynfaxmifpkeJ@ Oa&myor*~EdkifiHrsm;u jrefrmppftkyfpkudk uef@uGuf&_wfcswJhtaeeJ@ tmqD,HxdyfoD; tpnf;ta0;awG/ 0ef}uD;tqifhtpnf;ta0;awG rwufa&mufbJ jiif;qefr,fqdk&if 2 zuf yl;aygif;aqmif&Gufr_awG t}uD;tus,f xdcdkufrSm taotcsmygyJ?

'ga=umifhrdk@vdk@ azazwdk@vdk ta0;a&muf jrefrmh'Drdkua&pDa&; v_yf&Sm;olrsm;&JŒ 2005 ckESpfrSm wm0ef,l taumiftxnfazmf&r,fh v_yf&Sm;r_wpfckuawmh tar&duefjynfaxmifpkeJ@ Oa&myor*~EdkifiHrsm;uae 2006 - 2007 etz ppftkyfpk&JŒ tmqD,HOuUÏ oufwrf;umvrSm usif;yr,fh xdyfoD;tpnf;ta0;awG/ 0ef}uD;tqifh tpnf;ta0;awGudk oydwfarSmufa&; v_H@aqmfzdk@yJjzpfw,f orD;&JŒ?

tckudkyJ puFmyl/ rav;&Sm;/ tif'dkeD;&Sm;/ zdvpfydkif pwJh tmqD,HtzGJ@0ifEdkifiHawG udk,fE_dufu etz ppftkyfpkudk tmqD,HtzGJ@0iftjzpf vufcHrdcJhwm[m trSm;}uD;wpfckvdk@ xifjrifae=u+yD? etz ppftkyfpk&JŒ t}udrf}udrfysufuGufwJh uwdu0wfawGudk pdwfysuf&GH&Smae=u+yD? etz ppftkyfpk[m tmqD,HtzGJ@}uD;wpfckvHk;&JŒ trnf;pufjzpfae+yDqdkwmudk em;vnfae=u+yD? tar&duefjynfaxmifpkeJ@ Oa&myor*~EdkfifiHrsm;u 2006 ckESpf/ etz&JŒ tmqD,HOuUÏwm0ef ray;bJ umvwpfckqD a&$Œqdkif;zdk@ 'grSr[kwf&if etztaeeJ@ 2006 ckESpfrwkdifrD urBmw0Srf;u awmif;qdkaewJh ajymif;vJr_awGudk tcsdefrDjyKvkyfzdk@ pwJh udpPawGudk 2005 ckESpf atmufwdkbmv rav;&Sm;EdkifiH uGmvmvrfyl+rdK@ usif;yr,fh tmqD,H xdyfoD;nDvmcHrSm aqG;aEG;=uvdrfhr,f?

'ga=umifhrdk@vdk@ azazwdk@tm;vHk;u azazwdk@&JŒ tiftm;awGudk 2 qjr‡ifhwif&vdrfhr,f? tar&duefjynfaxmifpk uGef*&ufv$wfawmfeJ@ Oa&myEdkifiHrsm;&JŒ ygvDreftoD;oD;uae oufqdkif&mtpdk;&awGudk etz ppftkyfpku a':atmifqef;pk=unf/ tefu,f OD;wifOD;eJ@ EdkifiHa&;tusOf;om;awGudk jyefv$wfray;bJ/ trsKd;om;jyefvnfoifhjrwfa&;twGuf ppfrSefwJh awG@qHkaqG;aEG;r_awG rvkyfbJ/ 'Drdkua&pDeJ@ vl@tcGifhta&;qdkif&m tmrcHcsufawG ray;bJ 2006 ckESpfrSm tmqD,HtzGJ@&JŒOuUÏ jzpfvmr,fqdk&if tmqD,HtzGJ@ wpfzGJ@vHk;eJ@ yl;aygif;aqmif&Gufr_awG &yfwef@zdk@/ xdyfoD;nDvmcHawG 0ef}uD;tqifh aqG;aEG;yGJawG rwufzdk@ awmif;qdkwJh Oya'awG jyÏmef;Edkifatmif pnf;&Hk;v_H@aqmf=u&r,f? oufqdkif&mtpdk;&awGudk csOf;uyf+yD; tmqD,H tpdk;&rsm;udk tckupvdk@ jyif;jyif;xefxef owday;=uzdk@ awmif;qdk&r,f? tmqD,HEdkifiH tpdk;&rsm;udkvnf; tJh'DEdkifiHrsm;u jrefrmh'Drdkua&pDa&;udk axmufcHwJh v$wfawmfudk,fpm;vS,frsm;/ vl@tcGifhta&;tzGJ@rsm;u wqifh etzudk tmqD,Huae xkwfy,fypfa&;/ 'grSr[kwf 2006 ckESpfrSm OuUÏjzpfcGifh ray;a&; wdkufwGef;v_H@aqmf=u&r,f? orD;av;a& æ 'Dvdkom azazwdk@ aqmif&GufEdkifr,fqdkvdk@&Sd&ifav etz ppftkyfpk[m ol tm;udk;w}uD; csOf;uyfcdkv_Hxm;wJh tmqD,HEdkifiHrsm;&JŒ jyif;xefwJh zdtm;ay;r_awG cH&rSm taotcsmjzpf+yD; aqmufwnf&mrJh/ udk;uG,f&mrJh b0udk wjznf;jznf; a&muf&Sdvmvdrfhr,f orD;&JŒ æ?

wcsdefwnf;rSmyJ aemufxyfta&;}uD;wJh wm0efwpfckuawmh jrefrmhta&;udpPudk urBmhukvor*~ vHk+cHKa&;aumifpDuae wm0ef,lajz&Sif;r_/ tJh'Dvdk ajz&Sif;wJhtcgrSm vHk+cHKa&;aumifpDu taxGaxGtwGif;a&;rSL;csKyf udkzDtmeefudk ausmaxmufaemufcHjyKay;zdk@ 'grSr[kwf vHk+cHKa&;aumifpDuae txl;oHwrefwpfa,mufudk wdkuf&dkuf cef@tyfwm0efay;zdk@ v_H@aqmfpnf;&Hk;=u&r,f? cufcJ+yD; rjzpfEdkifbl;vdk@awmif xifxm;=uayr,fh edpP"l0 ajymif;vJaewJh urBmhEdkifiHa&;tcif;tusif;awGxJ azazwdk@om ,Hk,Hk=unf=unfeJ@ pdkufvdkufrwfwwf }udK;pm;=ur,fqdk&if jzpfvmEdkifwmayhg? +yD;awmh tJh'Dvdkjzpfatmif }udK;pm;ae=uw,fqdkwmudku etzudka&m/ jrefrmhta&;udpPudk jynfwGif;a&;eJ@ a'owGif;udpPwpfckvdk oabmxm;ae=uwJh tmqD,HEdkifiHawGudka&m zdtm;ay;aewmyJjzpfw,f?

(4)
orD;av;a& æ?

pdefac:r_awG tjynfheJ@ 2005 ckESpfu a&SŒrSm apmifhvdk@ae+yD? &J&J&ifh&ifh jzwfoef;=updk@?
ESif;&nfqrf;vdk@ vwfqwfvSywJh yef;awG yGifh&mt&yfqD æ?
b0rSm emusifcJh&olawGtm;vHk; rGefrGefjrwfjrwf +yHK;Edkifr,fh t&yfqD æ?

+idrf;csrf;ygap

atmif'if

WHEN A GOLDEN MOUNTAIN WAS COLLAPSED

rdk;rcodk@ay;pmrsm;
atmif'if
(rdk;rca&'D,kd Ekd0ifbm 14&uf tpDtpOfwGif xkwfv$ifhonfhay;pm?)

tykdif;(17)/ “a&$awmif}uD;+ydKusaomtcg”

ae@pGJ/ Ekd0ifbmv 13/ 2004
0g&Sifwef'DpD

(1)
orD;av;a&

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2?
orD;av;a&

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3?
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